Tuesday, October 21, 2025
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Linda Boyle: FDA’s Dr. Vinay Prasad, Big Pharma, politics, and the price of medical integrity

By LINDA BOYLE

After just three months, Dr. Vinay Prasad stepped down as the head of Food and Drug Administration (FDA) Center for Biologics Evaluation and Research (CBER).  CBER is a “responsible for assuring the safety, purity, potency, and effectiveness of biologics and related products (such as vaccines, live biotherapeutics (probiotics), blood products, and cell, tissue, and gene therapies.” 

Whenever anyone steps down after just three months on the job, it makes me wonder what happened. What is the real reason for him leaving? Who or what was behind his demise?  

That answer is simple. Big Pharma, Laura Loomer, (right wing conservative social media influencer,) and the New York Times seemed to be very effective in helping to get rid of him. Big Pharma was losing money, as were their stockholders.   

Parents who desperately wish for a cure or the slowdown of a horrible disease also joined in the takedown.  

And President Trump wanted to fire Dr. Prasad even though Secretary Kennedy and Dr. Marty Makary of the FDA objected.  Word is they attempted to contact Trump who refused to pick up the phone.

Let’s start at the beginning.  

Prasad’s initial selection was met with controversy, as he was a vocal critic of the government’s response to Covid and its vaccine policies, especially with the warp speed development of the Covid jabs.  

Just after the announcement he was the new head of CBER, Biotech’s stock fell more than 5% due to the concern Dr. Prasad was “anti-establishment” in his approach.

In his three months at the head of CBER, Prasad went against the team of researchers that told him they needed to fully approve Moderna’s Spike Vax for all children six months to 11 years old.  Prasad overruled them and only approved it for children six months to 11 years who had underlying disease or risk factors stating, “We do not have substantial certainty benefits outweigh risks for healthy children based on the totality of data in this submission, and a careful consideration of the biomedical literature.”

In 2023 Sarepta requested approval for a gene therapy for DMD called Elevidys. This drug was approved with the following caveat, “clinical studies conducted to date do not provide unambiguous evidence that [the drug] is likely beneficial… Additionally, FDA has safety concerns related to the possibility of administering an ineffective gene therapy.” 

But the FDA caved under pressure and approved it. Sadly, the concerns became reality with two children dying from acute liver failure caused by the drug. One other person died from a similar Sarepta gene therapy in clinical trials.

In July, Prasad cracked down on Sarepta Therapeutics, a company that makes gene therapy medication for Duchenne Muscular Dystrophy (DMD) which predominantly affects boys. Because three people died of liver complications after using these drugs, Prasad thought it prudent to step down its shipments until further research could be done. 

Prasad and the FDA asked Sarepta to voluntarily withdraw Elevidys due to deaths and the insufficient evidence of effectiveness, not its $3.2 million price per patient cost. Sarepta refused to do that initially and finally backed down to halt shipments.

Two days after Prasad resigned, the FDA approved Elevidys for ambulatory DMD patients. Sarepta was allowed to resume shipments, and that caused its stock to soar. 

Enter blogger Laura Loomer, who has the ear of the president. She has been looking for dirt on anyone who might not be able to “pass” the loyalty test she thinks anyone working for the Trump Administration must pass.  

Loomer accused Dr. Prasad of being a “self-proclaimed progressive liberal” and a “card-carrying member of the Elizabeth Warren/Bernie Sanders fan club.” She unearthed a 2021 audio clip of Prasad at a conference giving a talk where he used a picture of stabbing a voodoo doll to “curse” Trump over Covid-19 decisions. Loomer posted on X, “Prasad needs to be fired.”  

On July 27, The Wall Street Journal ran an op-ed titled, “Vinay Prasad Is a Bernie Sanders Acolyte in MAHA Drag,” which claimed Prasad “doesn’t think patients can be trusted to make their own healthcare decisions.”

So, Dr. Prasad stepped down to stop the drama which gave a win to extreme right wing activists and Big Pharma. 

Dr. Prasad is a good doctor. He evaluates the risk of complications of vaccines against their benefit which should always be done before a vaccine is approved and distributed.

But such an approach makes Big Pharma stocks fall.  

When Dr. Prasad was selected for his position, Alex Berenson (a former New York Times reporter) cheered his hire, stating Prasad knew  “the games Big Pharma plays to win approvals for expensive new drugs that all-too-often have little benefit — and hidden risks.”

Perhaps Dr. Prasad knew the games too well.  

The character assassination by all involved led to his demise.  And we are worse off for that.

Linda Boyle, RN, MSN, DM, was formerly the chief nurse for the 3rd Medical Group, JBER, and was the interim director of the Alaska VA. Most recently, she served as Director for Central Alabama VA Healthcare System. She is the director of the Alaska Covid Alliance/Alaskans 4 Personal Freedom.

Governor signs second order creating Agriculture Department

Gov. Mike Dunleavy has once again issued an executive order to carve out a standalone Alaska Department of Agriculture, bypassing legislative inertia and aiming to consolidate agricultural policy under a single agency.

In a letter dated Aug. 1 to House Speaker Bryce Edgmon and Senate President Gary Stevens, the governor said he was exercising his authority under Article III, Section 18 of the Alaska Constitution to reorganize the executive branch. The order transfers agricultural duties currently housed within the Department of Natural Resources to the newly proposed Department of Agriculture. He already issued an executive order doing this on the first day of regular session in January, but by March the Legislature had met in joint session and disapproved it. Now he is at it again.

“The Executive Order will encourage the development of expertise, eliminate duplication of functions, and establish a single point of responsibility for state agriculture policy,” Dunleavy wrote.

The order moves key responsibilities — including those under Title 3 of Alaska Statutes — from DNR to the new department. The Alaska Board of Agriculture and Conservation would also shift to the new agency. Coordination between the DNR and the new Department of Agriculture would continue for land management, with both commissioners required to work jointly on classification, leasing, and sale of state agricultural lands.

The order also renames the Alaska Natural Resource Conservation and Development Board and adds the Agriculture commissioner as an ex-officio member.

When the governor resubmitted the order during the current special session, lawmakers refused to even accept it, sending a letter asserting that executive orders can’t be submitted during a special session focused on a separate topic. They did not even post his EO to the BASIS website.

Despite the pushback, there is no explicit prohibition in the Alaska Constitution preventing the governor from submitting such orders during a special session. And because the Legislature has recessed until August 19 — without officially rejecting the order — the 60-day review clock is ticking.

With no committee meetings scheduled during the window of August 19–29 and at least five senators excused for that period, it remains unclear whether the Legislature will act in time. If no disapproval vote is taken within 60 days of transmission, the executive order goes into effect automatically.

That opens the door for Dunleavy to move forward with the creation of the department unilaterally.

There is no clear purpose for the Legislature’s planned return on August 19. No bills are scheduled, no committee hearings are posted, and absent lawmakers are going to be a problem. In essence, Dunleavy appears poised to push forward with a significant reorganization of state government — not by legislative action, but by legislative inaction.

Special session: A Republican Overriders Caucus turns on governor and reverses his spending veto

If you have the votes, vote. If you don’t have the votes, talk. The Legislature didn’t talk much and moved swiftly Saturday, overriding two of Gov. Mike Dunleavy’s vetoes in a special session that lasted less than 30 minutes. They knew they had the votes.

Lawmakers restored a $200 increase to the Base Student Allocation, a key component of state education funding. The override required 45 votes from the combined House and Senate and passed with exactly that number. Only 59 lawmakers were present, with Sen. Mike Shower excused.

Several Republicans became the “Overriders Caucus,” joining Democrats in the vote to dismiss the governor’s education spending veto. In the House, Republican Reps. Jeremy Bynum, Bill Elam, Chuck Kopp, David Nelson, Justin Ruffridge, Dan Saddler, Will Stapp, Julie Coulombe, and Louise Stutes supported the override. In the Senate, Republican Sens. Rob Yundt, Mike Cronk, James Kaufman, Cathy Giessel, Jesse Bjorkman, Kelly Merrick, Bert Stedman, and Gary Stevens also voted in favor.

In further defiance of the governor, none of his education policy legislative items were even addressed. The governor had even offered to withdraw his veto of the part of the extra funding if he could get movement on charter schools and tribal compacting.

Evidently the Democrats and enabling Republicans were not interested.

The second override concerned Senate Bill 183, which addresses how the executive branch delivers reports to the Legislative Budget and Audit Committee. Lawmakers have expressed frustration over receiving reports in formats they find difficult to work with. The override may lead to a legal challenge, as it touches on the balance of power between the legislative and executive branches.

Again, several Republicans voted to override their Republican governor. They were: Jeremy Bynum, Chuck Kopp, David Nelson, Justin Ruffridge, Dan Saddler, and Louise Stutes. In the Senate, the overrider Republicans were Jesse Bjorkman, Cathy Giessel, James Kaufman, Kelly Merrick, Bert Stedman, Gary Stevens, and Rob Yundt.

Many legislators had predicted a brief “override and out” session—and that’s exactly what they delivered.

Anchorage pedestrian deaths spiked 150% after Assembly ends jaywalking as an offense

Pedestrian fatalities in Anchorage jumped by 150% in 2024, a surge that follows the Assembly’s decision to eliminate penalties for jaywalking. In October of 2023, the Anchorage Assembly ordinance went into effect, removing fines for crossing streets outside of marked or unmarked crosswalks. In the year that followed, the Anchorage Police Department’s inaugural annual report shows a sharp rise in deadly pedestrian-involved car crashes and deaths, part of a broader increase in fatal collisions across the city.

The 2024 Annual Report by the Anchorage Police Department details public safety operations, crime statistics, officer activity, and internal affairs and is a snapshot of law enforcement trends in the state’s largest city, covering violent crime, arrests, traffic incidents, and complaints about officers. The report does not link Assembly policy with the increase in pedestrian deaths.

Below is a breakdown of the major findings highlighted in the 2024 report:

Violent and Property Crime
  • Homicides: 34 reported in 2024.
  • Assaults and Robberies: 2,094 combined incidents.
  • Burglaries: 923 reported cases.
  • Missing Persons: 518 reports; 40 individuals remain missing.
  • Officer-Involved Shootings: 8 incidents, resulting in 5 suspect fatalities.
Traffic Enforcement and Fatalities
  • Traffic Citations: 29,118 total, marking a 2% decrease from 2023.
    • Speeding Citations: 10,697 (15 fewer than in 2023).
    • Operating Under the Influence (OUI): 1,476 total
      • 292 OUI incidents involved collisions.
      • 1,184 OUI incidents did not involve collisions.
      • Total OUIs were down 84 compared to 2023.
  • Fatal Crashes:
    • Overall fatal crashes increased 93%.
    • Non-pedestrian fatal crashes rose 27%.
    • Pedestrian fatalities surged 150%.
    • One-third of fatal crashes involved speeding.
    • 75% involved alcohol and/or drugs.
    • 29 fatal crashes recorded in 2024—the highest since 2005.
Officer-Initiated Activity
  • Officer-Initiated Arrests: 38,697.
  • Officer-Initiated Activity (Non-Arrest): 4,270 incidents.
  • Subject Stops: 8,465.
  • Traffic Stops: 34,147.

Internal Affairs and Commendations

  • Complaints Received: 335.
  • Complaints Investigated: 335 (100% investigation rate).
  • Commendations Issued: 504.
  • Sustained Complaints: 98.
  • Unsustained Complaints: 237.
Top Five Complaint Categories:
  1. General Conduct: 109 allegations.
  2. Duty Requirements: 103 allegations.
  3. Use of Police Vehicles: 93 allegations.
  4. Obedience to Laws: 38 allegations.
  5. Response to Resistance: 38 allegations.
Use-of-Force Incidents
  • Grab Holds: 1,165.
  • Pinnings or Pryings: 249.
  • Vehicle Blocking or Box-ins: 176.
  • Other Takedown Techniques: 172.
  • Figure four takedown: 120.
  • Vehicle pin: 103.
  • Tackle: 75.
  • Thigh lock: 744.
  • Push-pull takedown: 70.
  • Miscellaneous Use of Force (“Other”): 148.

Read the annual report for 2024 at this link.

Cessna dodges Glenn Highway traffic, crashes through fence at Merrill Field, no injuries reported

A Cessna 208 carrying eight people made a harrowing landing Friday afternoon at Merrill Field Airport, dodging busy rush-hour traffic near the start of the Glenn Highway, and crashing through the airport’s perimeter fence before finally coming to a stop in a vacant field.

The incident occurred just before 4 pm, prompting an immediate dispatch of Anchorage Fire Department and Anchorage Police. However, many emergency crews were cleared before they even arrived on scene, the fire department reported, as it quickly became clear that no one on board had sustained serious injuries.

The aircraft is registered to Hinterland Holdings LLC, an Anchorage-based company that owns Alaska Air Transit, a regional charter service operating in Alaska since the 1990s and owned by Alaskans. The company specializes in passenger charter and cargo service across the state.

Miraculously, all eight occupants of the aircraft walked away without the need for medical treatment, aside from what fire officials described as a “courtesy ride” from the scene. The Anchorage Fire Department remarked that “the best calls are the ones where our technical services aren’t needed.”

Merrill Field, located just east of downtown Anchorage, is one of the most active general aviation airports in Alaska and plays a crucial role in connecting the city with remote villages and bush communities. The airport is home to over 800 aircraft, including 786 single-engine planes, 41 multi-engine planes, 16 helicopters, and even a glider.

Where the plane touched down is near where East 5th Avenue becomes the Glenn Highway — one of the most congested traffic spots in Alaska.

Corporation for Public Broadcasting fading to black after federal funding dries up

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The Corporation for Public Broadcasting, a taxpayer-funded entity that has funneled billions of federal dollars into public radio and television stations over nearly six decades, announced Friday that it will begin shutting down operations after Congress cut off its funding.

The move comes after lawmakers passed a rescissions package and a Senate appropriations bill last month that finally zeroed out CPB’s funding — a long-debated step toward curbing federal spending on media organizations that critics have said no longer need taxpayer support.

For fiscal year 2024, the CPB received a federal appropriation of $525 million, plus an estimated $10 million in interest, totaling $535 million.

CPB stated that it has notified more than half of its staff that their positions will end with the close of the current fiscal year on Sept. 30. A small transition team will remain in place until January 2026 to oversee the formal wind-down of the organization.

Created in 1967 under President Lyndon B. Johnson’s Great Society agenda, CPB has long served as a conduit for federal dollars to public media, particularly to PBS and NPR affiliates. While defenders claim CPB supports educational and rural programming, critics have argued for years that it props up increasingly politicized content and organizations that now compete in a diverse, saturated, and well-funded media marketplace.

With private fundraising, corporate underwriting, and substantial donor networks, outlets like NPR and PBS have expanded their reach and influence, while continuing to receive guaranteed federal support. For many fiscal conservatives, the CPB had become a symbol of outdated federal largesse: a subsidy to media outlets with ideological leanings, at the expense of taxpayers.

The defunding was opposed by Sen. Lisa Murkowski, who has been a staunch defender of public broadcasting. Alaska has more public radio stations than all of Florida.

The news came at the same time it became clear that President Donald Trump would prevail in court in his efforts to remove three members of the Corporation for Public Broadcasting’s governing commission, including Alaska’s Diane Kaplan, former president and CEO of the Rasmuson Foundation.

‘That is a shame’: Dunleavy blasts liberal lawmakers for ignoring education reform and focusing on money

On the eve of a special legislative session, Alaska Gov. Mike Dunleavy issued a pointed statement criticizing the leadership of the Alaska Legislature for its priorities, saying some lawmakers appear more interested in overriding his vetoes than addressing what he describes as a crisis in public education.

“The Alaska Legislature will gather in Juneau tomorrow for a special session focused on public education reform and increasing Alaska’s food production and security,” Dunleavy said in a statement released Friday. “There are reports that legislative leadership plans to hold at least two veto override votes before gaveling out and departing the capitol building for the airport.”

Dunleavy lamented what he sees as a lack of action on substantial reforms.

“No hearings on bills to improve Alaska’s dismal student test scores, no effort to lift the public school system from 51st in the nation, no tribal compacting to improve educational opportunities for our rural and Native students, and no apparent desire to prevent high school seniors from being unprepared because they don’t have the skills needed to compete for good jobs in the increasingly competitive 21st century economy,” he said. “That is a shame.”

The governor, who has made education reform a central plank of his administration, pointed to the Alaska Reads Act — passed in 2022 by a single vote, as evidence that policy changes can lead to measurable improvements. He said the results since then have validated his position.

“Three years later, reading test scores prove that policy improvements make all the difference,” Dunleavy said. “The problem is some lawmakers don’t seem to care. If they do, they wouldn’t squander every opportunity they’ve had to continue that improvement in other core areas like mathematics and writing.”

Instead, Dunleavy said, the focus remains on funding, not outcomes.

“Public discourse is all about money. They say if we only spent more of it the scores would improve. That is the same excuse that has been made for decades,” he said. “As soon as more money is approved, the special interest groups and unions get very quiet.”

Alaska has among the highest per-student education spending in the country, the governor noted. He emphasized that since 2019, state funding for public K-12 education has increased by over $1.5 billion, and that even after his vetoes, the most recent budget includes the largest increase to the Base Student Allocation in state history.

“The budget I signed this summer contained a BSA increase of $500 per student,” Dunleavy said. “Even with my partial veto, that’s still the largest BSA increase in state history.”

He closed his statement by calling on lawmakers to take responsibility and work with him during the special session.

“Here is the question I have for lawmakers who have resisted any meaningful education reforms,” he said. “If the legislature is not responsible for public schools — who is? I encourage Alaskans to ask their representatives and senator the same question.”

“We know what is needed to improve educational outcomes for students. The policies have been vetted and discussed for years. I am ready to work the next 30 days with senators and representatives, school board members, superintendents, teachers, anyone who wants to make our school better.”

The special session begins Saturday in Juneau. It’s unclear if the Legislature has the votes to override the governor’s veto of a portion of the increases to education that was passed during the regular session. Dunleavy said such increases should be accompanied by policy changes that could lead to better performance, such as more charter schools, tribal compacting, and other reforms.

Details: Bombshell report indicates Clinton, Soros group plotted to ‘demonize’ Trump with Russia smear

By THERESE BOUDREAUX | THE CENTER SQUARE

Newly declassified intelligence documents indicate that Hillary Clinton, her 2016 presidential campaign managers, and a top member of a George Soros group plotted to fabricate the Trump-Russia collusion campaign to distract the public from Clinton’s email scandal.

Declassified by the Senate Judiciary Committee on Thursday, the 29-page “Durham annex” from 2023 chronicles the Office of Special Counsel’s (OSC) investigation into purported efforts by the Clinton campaign and its allies to falsely tie Russia’s cyber interference attempts during election season to Trump.

In its investigation, OSC uncovered emails that appeared to be sent by Leonard Benardo, senior vice president of Soros’ Open Society Foundations, to people involved in Clinton’s campaign. Soros is a billionaire funder of Democratic campaigns.

The emails appear to show that Benardo engaged in discussions with Julianne Smith, one of Clinton’s foreign policy advisors, about how to use reports of Russian interference in the election to Clinton’s advantage and Trump’s detriment. Benardo later told OSC he had no recollection of writing the emails.

In an email dated July 25, 2016, Benardo told an undisclosed person that “politicization is on the table” and that he and Smith had been discussing ways to create a story casting Trump as “an agent of influence” in Russian President Vladimir Putin’s attempts to undermine the election “in the interest of Donald Trump.”

“Julie [Smith] says it will be a long-term affair to demonize Putin and Trump. Now it is good for a post-convention bounce. Later the FBI will put more oil on the fire,” Benardo wrote, indicating that Clinton’s campaign planned to use the FBI to push the story.

While the FBI established early on that Putin ordered “cyber influence operations” to undermine faith in the U.S. democratic process, it found no evidence that Putin interfered on behalf of Trump. 

But former President Barack Obama and his senior advisors reportedly pressured the Intelligence Community to assert otherwise, according to documents declassified last week. Obama has denied the allegations.

The Clinton campaign’s goal, it appeared, was to divert Americans’ attention away from her email scandal, since “Hillary is hardly good-looking as far as credibility is concerned,” Benardo added.

Clinton served as Secretary of State under the Obama administration from 2009 to 2013, where she used a private email server for official agency communications, putting thousands of emails with sensitive or classified information at risk. 

According to a follow-up email by Benardo dated two days later, Clinton personally approved of the plan to fabricate the Trump-Russia collusion.

“HRC approved Julia’s idea about Trump and Russian hackers hampering U.S. elections. That should distract people from her own missing email, especially if the affair goes to the Olympic level,” Benardo wrote. 

“The point is making the Russian play a U.S. domestic issue. Say something like a critical infrastructure threat for the election to feel menace since both POTUS and VPOTUS have acknowledged the fact IC would speed up searching for evidence that is regrettably still unavailable,” he clarified. 

Upon finding the emails, the Office of Special Council questioned Benardo, who told them he did not know who “Julie” referred to and he did not draft the emails “to the best of his recollection.” 

Clinton, when questioned by OSC, said the plan she apparently approved “looked like Russian disinformation.” Campaign Chair John Podesta and other advisors each denied the validity of the emails and each called the emails “ridiculous.”

Smith was also interviewed and said she recalled neither drafting or receiving the emails nor proposing a plan to Clinton or other campaign leadership to try tying Putin to Trump. She also denied enlisting the FBI to further such efforts.

But OSC found that the verified communications between Smith and campaign advisors implied otherwise. The same day Benardo purportedly sent the email about how the FBI “will put oil on the fire,” Smith texted a Clinton campaign advisor and asked them to “see if [Special Assistant to the President and National Security Council member] will tell you if there is a formal fbi or other investigation into the hack?”

The Clinton campaign advisor, whose name is redacted, replied that the person in question “won’t say anything more to me. Sorry. Told me she went as far as she could.”

Ultimately, OSC determined that “it is a logical deduction that [redacted] Smith was, at a minimum, playing a role in the Clinton campaign’s efforts to tie Trump to Russia,” and that available evidence “supports the notion that the campaign might have wanted or expected the FBI or other agencies to aid the effort” via a formal investigation. 

“In short, neither the Office nor [redacted] have been able to determine definitively whether the purported Clinton campaign plan [redacted] was entirely genuine, partially true, a composite pulled from multiple sources, exaggerated in certain respects, or fabricated in its entirety,” OSC concluded, adding that regardless, the entire affair was “concerning.”

As of Thursday afternoon, Clinton and her former campaign advisors have not responded to the Durham annex’s publication, despite outcry from Republicans. The Trump administration is presenting the report as the “smoking gun” confirming recent allegations that Obama, Clinton, and the Intelligence Community created a deliberate smear campaign to delegitimize Trump’s first presidency.

Based on the Durham annex, the Obama FBI failed to adequately review and investigate intelligence reports showing the Clinton campaign may have been ginning up the fake Trump-Russia narrative for Clinton’s political gain, which was ultimately done through the Steele Dossier and other means,” U.S. Sen. Chuck Grassley, R-Iowa, said Thursday.

“History will show that the Obama and Biden administration’s law enforcement and intelligence agencies were weaponized against President Trump,” he added. “This political weaponization has caused critical damage to our institutions and is one of the biggest political scandals and cover-ups in American history.”

Supreme Court ruling bolsters Trump’s power to remove Diane Kaplan and other CPB officials

A Supreme Court ruling that upheld President Trump’s removal of three Democrat-appointed commissioners from the Consumer Product Safety Commission will reverberate through other corners of federal governance, most notably in an ongoing legal standoff over control of the Corporation for Public Broadcasting.

The July decision in Trump v. Boyle affirmed the president’s authority to remove CPSC commissioners without cause, which applies to the administration’s efforts to oust Diane Kaplan, Laura Ross, and Thomas Rothman from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting board. All three were dismissed by the president in April but have refused to vacate their posts, citing statutory protections intended to shield CPB board members from political interference. Kaplan is the former longtime president of the Rasmuson Foundation in Alaska.

At the heart of both disputes is a constitutional question: How much control does the president have over independent agencies?

The Court’s decision in the CPSC case is a break from a long-standing precedent that protected officials of independent agencies from at-will removal by the president. In recent months, the justices have chipped away at that doctrine, ruling in favor of presidential authority in two other major cases — one involving the National Labor Relations Board and another targeting the Merit Systems Protection Board.

In the Corporation for Public Broadcasting case, the Trump Administration relies on the same legal logic. Its lawsuit argues that the president, as the nation’s chief executive under Article II of the Constitution, must be able to remove federal officers—appointed or otherwise—who no longer reflect the administration’s priorities or policies.

Though the Corporation for Public Broadcasting is structured as a nonprofit under DC law, it was created by Congress and receives federal appropriations. Like the CPSC, it was designed to operate independently, with board members typically insulated from direct political pressure. Both entities include statutory language limiting removal to instances of “neglect of duty” or “malfeasance.”

The CPSC commissioners — Mary Boyle, Alexander Hoehn-Saric, and Richard Trumka Jr. — made arguments similar to Kaplan and her colleagues, claiming their dismissals violated these protections. In both instances, initial lower court rulings sided with the ousted officials, invoking Humphrey’s Executor as a safeguard against executive overreach.

However, the Supreme Court’s new interpretation significantly shifts the balance, signaling that such protections may no longer be legally enforceable where executive authority is concerned.

The Corporation for Public Broadcasting oversees the disbursement of federal funds to public radio and television stations nationwide, including more than 100 outlets that broadcast to 13 million Americans. It plays a key role in shaping media access and public discourse. It defines the public narrative.

The outcome of the public broadcasting litigation, now backstopped by the Supreme Court’s decision in the CPSC case, will likely determine whether this expanded presidential authority becomes the new norm across the federal government.

Kaplan said, “my selection for the board was mainly based on my long service as CEO of Alaska Public Radio Network, not my foundation work. I held the board’s radio seat which is mandated in CPB’s enabling legislation.”