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Signgate: Gov. Walker takes down campaign signs

DOT TO ADVANCE ON SIGN WAR, WITH CROWBARS?

What do you do when you’re the sitting governor and you’re losing the “sign war” for your reelection? You have your Department of Transportation enforce the “no signs visible from roadway” law.

In advance of a crackdown from the Alaska Department of Transportation, Gov. Bill Walker’s campaign has started removing its own Walker/Mallott signs from roadways.

Photographed above, Walker’s sign had been stripped from its wooden frame, which was a still standing at the corner of Jewell Lake Road and Raspberry Road in Anchorage on Wednesday. Empty Walker frames are also found elsewhere in Anchorage, notably at the A and C Street triangle near 39th.

The State has hired three part-time workers to remove signs that are in the State’s rights-of-way.

A notice went out to candidates on July 9 that the enforcement of the sign law would start.

Four days earlier on July 5, Gov. Walker purchased $19,000 worth of bus wrap signs in Anchorage, according to his financial reports with the Alaska Public Offices Commission.

The same site at Jewell Lake and Raspberry Road, in a photograph from two weeks ago.

“Does DOT feel they have the roads in such good repair that they can use their limited resources for harassment of candidates?” asked one political campaign worker, who asked to remain anonymous.

At this point in the campaigns, there are literally thousands of candidate signs up across the state. Three part-time workers will have their work cut out for them, as they pry and haul the signs back to a DOT storage yard and then fine the candidates $50 per confiscated sign.

How DOT temporary employees will make the decisions on which signs to target during the last three weeks of the Primary election is delicate. Taking down the wrong sign may attract a First Amendment lawsuit from a candidate, especially if an opposing candidate’s sign is left standing in an equivalent place.

The entire endeavor is lawsuit bait. Documentation of sign removal will need to be impeccable in advance of legal action that could plausibly allege the Walker Administration is willfully trying to swing the election.

All signs in the state right-of-way are illegal, but the law that governs this is not enforced historically for campaigns, or even for garage sale or real estate signs. Signs are often found within sight of state roads — even if they are on private property.

The law is problematic, but resulted from a voter initiative in 1998 to ban billboards.

A State DOT representative said anything that blocks the line of sight and creates a safety hazard will be targeted first. That might be a judgment call, but Walker’s sign on Raspberry and Jewell would not have been in that category. It was among several at that intersection, with others possibly creating a sight-line hazard.

In the past, the law is something the State has ignored because the First Amendment is unambiguous in its protection of political speech. All it usually does is send out a notice to candidates about the law, which can be seen here.

Tuckerman Babcock, chairman of the Alaska Republican Party, recalled how in 1994, the state Department of Transportation picked up all of Sen. Lyda Green’s signs in Wasilla, while leaving Jay Kerttula’s sign untouched.

“They wanted me to pay to pick up my signs, and I said, ‘You give me all the signs, and I’m not going to pay for them, and I’m not going to complain to the media that you are a political arm of the Democratic Party.’ They gave me the signs back,” he said.

“I think they have to be mindful of public safety, but they don’t want to be caught taking sides,” Babcock said.

WHO BENEFITS?
With fewer of his own signs in Anchorage, the governor’s focus on Alaska’s largest city for sign removal may look like a political ploy. His signs are in much greater numbers in Juneau and Valdez. But throughout the Railbelt, Mike Dunleavy has the most signs, therefore the most to lose.
The sign enforcement doesn’t impact candidate Mead Treadwell nearly as much, since he has comparatively few signs out. He just joined the race on June 2. The same goes for Mark Begich, because he joined late and has few signs out.
But Walker signs, unlike Begich signs, have been out for months prior to the DOT’s sudden, recent interest in sign law enforcement. Preventing his Democratic rival from closing that gap can be seen as preserving the governor’s political advantage.

Candidate profile: Richard Walker of Kodiak for House District 32

HE’S FOCUSED ON RESTORING PERMANENT FUND DIVIDEND, CUTTING BUDGET

It was 1980, the year John Lennon was shot. The year Mount St. Helens blew. And the year that young Richard Walker, barely 20, sold his ’69 Chevy Impala, bought a plane ticket, and headed for Alaska.

Walker started out as a dishwasher and bouncer in Spenard, working at La Mex restaurant. But he kept bugging the laborers union shop until he was headed for the North Slope and at age 21, became a roughneck, working in the oil patch for eight years.

Then a back injury on a rig took him out of the field and into environmental response and cleanup work. His company sent him to Kodiak, and he’s called it home nearly ever since. He loves Kodiak.

Walker is now running for House District 32 against incumbent Rep. Louise Stutes, who lost the endorsement of her fellow Republicans for organizing with the Democrats to control the House and try to force an income tax on Alaskans once she got to Juneau.

Stutes voted in favor of the income tax, HB 115, which other Democrats in the House favored. It failed in the Senate, which is under the control of Republicans.

Under Stutes preferred state income tax, a person making $50,000 a year would have to pay the state $992.50 plus four percent of anything they made in excess of $50,000 up to $100,000, where the next step of progressive taxes would kick in. The plan was prepared to hire up to 60 state tax collectors to enforce the law.

Stutes also voted in favor of SB 91, the controversial criminal justice reform that many Alaskans believe has led to more illegal drug trafficking, property theft, and violent crime in Alaska. SB 91 has been revised through other legislation since its passage, with some of its more criminal-friendly parts trimmed. But crime is still at a near-record high, although less so in Kodiak.

Paul Seaton of Homer, Gabrielle LeDoux of Muldoon, and Louise Stutes of Kodiak listen to Alaska Republican Party officer Rick Whitbeck, as he explains to them rules that ultimately led to their being sanctioned by the party for having organized to take over the House with Democrats.

Stutes, who owned a bar for 25 years, also proposed legislation to cut serving limits at Alaska breweries from 36 ounces to 24 ounces per day and at distilleries from 3 ounces to 2 ounces per day, something that was widely panned by craft breweries and distilleries. These are some of the only industries in the state that have been adding jobs during the current recession.

Walker’s time in Kodiak — from 1991-2002 and 2005-present — has been centered on family and community service. His wife has a big family in Kodiak, and together they have six grown children, 35 grandchildren, and too-many-to-count nieces and nephews.

He’s a member of the Elks Club, and part of the group that started the youth football program. Over the years he has raised thousands of dollars for youth football in Kodiak. He is also active with the U.S. Coast Guard Auxiliary.

Walker was elected to the Kodiak City Council for six years, and has served on the Parks and Recreation Board. He ran for  House in 2014, and he’s decided it’s time to try again.

“We have to really start tightening up on the budget,” he told the local radio station. “I wasn’t in favor of cutting our Permanent Fund [dividend]. Our resources in the state of Alaska are abundant, and we’re not even hardly touching them.”

CAN HE BEAT THE INCUMBENT?

Walker’s 30-day fundraising report to the Alaska Public Offices Commission shows local support. He raised $6,555, compared with Louise Stutes, the Republican who organizes with the Democrats, who raised $7,125 in her latest report. But she started with $13,000 and she also has the support of large labor unions, which will fund radio and newspaper spots for her.

Walker has a radio spot of his own running now, paid for by the Alaska Republican Party, characterizing Stutes and her band of PFD pirates as thieves, and promising to right the ship if he’s elected in the Primary, Aug. 21, and the General Election on Nov. 6. The pirate brogue in his campaign spot is “five-star aaaargh”:

 

Morning Consult poll: Walker net approval now -24

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ALASKA GOVERNOR BUMPING ALONG THE BOTTOM

Gov. Bill Walker’s job approval rating is stuck at 29 percent since April, but his disapproval rating has started to climb and is now 54 percent, putting him upside down with voters, according to the July poll released by Morning Consult. This spells danger for him as Alaskans begin to focus on the election at hand.

Walker is the second-least popular governor who is running for reelection, after Gov. Bruce Rauner of Illinois. 60 percent of the Illinois poll respondents disapprove of Rauner, while 54 disapprove of Walker.

In April, Walker’s disapproval rate was 52 percent, according to the same polling company.

Those two numbers put Walker’s net approval rating at -24.

The Morning Consult poll, net approval rating of governors running for reelection.

A net approval rating is achieved when the disapproval rating is subtracted from the approval rating. It’s a number that tells political observers just how popular a public figure is.

Gov. Rauner of Illinois, a Republican, has been written off as unelectable even as he faces an ally of disgraced former Gov. Rod Blagojevich, has an even tougher net approval rating than Bill Walker: -34.

The most popular governor today is Republican Charlie Baker of Massachusetts, with a net approval rating of +52.

Comparing Walker with another well-known name, President Donald Trump’s net approval rating in Alaska is +10. It’s a 34 point difference between the sentiment for Trump and for Walker.

Morning Consult releases quarterly checks on governors’ popularity. In the July poll, Walker has inched closer to the bottom of the barrel, replacing Gov. Paul LePage of Maine as fifth least liked governor of the 50.

In April, 19 percent of respondents didn’t know or didn’t care to answer. That group of undecided Alaska respondents has shrunk to 17 percent in the July poll. The margin of error in Alaska is 5 percent on this poll.

As for the methodology, respondents indicated whether they approve or disapprove of the job performance of their U.S. governors. For each question, they could answer strongly approve, somewhat approve, somewhat disapprove, strongly disapprove, or don’t know / no opinion.

Rise of the fakes: Letters to the editor, Facebook

WHO’S FAKE AND WHO’S REAL ON SOCIAL? LEARN HOW TO PROTECT YOURSELF

The campaign season heats up when candidate trackers and fake Facebook accounts start showing up.

A fake Facebook profile popped up two weeks ago and started making “friends” with political types across the state. First he had a couple of takers. Then a couple more.

There is no Niel Fernandez in the State of Alaska voter database. Not in Anchorage, and not anywhere.

No Niel Fernandez applied for a Permanent Fund dividend this year. Or in any recent year.

Several politicos — 23 so far — fell for the con and friended Mr/Ms. Fernandez, who launched his/her fake account with only one thing to say for his first Facebook comment, and it was a slam against Mike Dunleavy, the candidate for governor.

Grammar and attention to factual information aside, it was clear this was going to be a political attack account:

Now, Fernandez is appearing as a letter writer in the Anchorage Daily News, with nearly the exact same message, slightly edited and likely cleaned up for publication by the newspaper:

Fernandez was called out for being fake several days ago, and he has been reported to Facebook as a fake. Facebook takes veracity seriously, but can be slow to act.

Fernandez has motored on, responding to critics with this explanation, which attacks both Dunleavy and Begich for having “Outside” money:

“Some people are calling me a fake and a “troll” so lets clear that up:

“I am not a registered Voter because whats the point? My 1 vote wont change anything but I still have an opinion.

“My name is spelled NIEL not Neal or Neil because its based on Grandma’s maiden name. Her parents imgrated from Denmark.”

LEARN THE ROPES OF SOCIAL MEDIA

How do you spot a fake Facebook account?

Don’t accept “friend” requests without digging deeper. Even friends have their Facebook accounts hacked sometimes, and you may be getting a friend request from a con artist.

To learn more, check out these pointers from WikiHow, and learn how to report face Facebooks account to Facebook.

Shifting loyalties: Curiosities from campaign filings

FINANCIAL REPORTS SHOW SOME HEAVY HITTERS CHANGING TEAMS

Among items of interest found in the 30-day campaign financial reports, which were due on Monday at midnight:

Former Walker Administration Attorney General Craig Richards (and former Walker business partner) has gone with Mike Dunleavy for governor, maxing out to his campaign with a $500 contribution.

Over the past two years (2017 and 2018), Richards had maxed out with $500 each to Walker and Lt. Gov. Byron Mallott. Richards now serves on the Permanent Fund Board of Trustees. He’s playing it safe.

Mike Robbins, campaign manager for Mead Treadwell’s gubernatorial campaign, had already maxed out to Mike Dunleavy’s campaign in April, but when he took on the Treadwell campaign was a contract, he maxed out there too, with $500. He has a nice (ca-ching) contract, though, so he can afford it.

Michelle Toohey, who was chief of staff for former Lt. Gov. Mead Treadwell, maxed out to Mike Dunleavy before Treadwell got in the race, but her husband, Cam Toohey, has evened it up, giving $250 to Treadwell.

Marcia Davis, the former deputy chief of staff for Gov. Bill Walker who ran an illegal campaign group for his last election and paid a hefty Alaska Public Offices Commission fine for it, isn’t giving to Walker’s campaign this time around, but instead has donated $250 to Mark Begich.

This must mean she won’t be putting together an independent expenditure group as she did in 2014 for Walker/Mallott — the one that cost her a hefty fine.

Robin Brena, who bought Gov. Walker’s law firm and has been a staunch supporter from the start, hasn’t donated to the governor’s campaign this year. Perhaps he is getting ready to launch an independent expenditure group?

Brena was the kingmaker in 2014 and 2016, spending a quarter million dollars on Democratic candidates, including for Rep. Zach Fansler and Rep. Dean Westlake, who shortly thereafter resigned in disgrace.

Brena pushed for higher oil taxes with his “Our Fair Share” campaign.

This year, he’s the top contributor to the Alaska Democratic Party, with $10,000 — the maximum allowed — given in March.

And who does the Alaska Democratic Party support for governor? Mark Begich.

Kavanaugh’s former law clerk keynoting Anchorage event

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Justin Walker, a former law clerk for Judge Brett Kavanaugh and Justice Anthony Kennedy, will speak in Anchorage on Monday, July 30, from 6:30-8 pm at the Loussac Library’s Ann Stevens Room.

Walker will discuss his experiences working with Kavanaugh, President Donald Trump’s nominee to the U.S. Supreme Court. Kavanaugh is going through the confirmation process with the U.S. Senate.

After graduating from Duke University and Harvard Law School, Walker practiced in Washington, D.C. He teaches at the University of Louisville, Kentucky, where he was born and raised.

Among his scholarly writings, he has covered topics that include:

  • FBI Independence as a Threat to Civil Liberties: An Analogy to Civilian Control of the Military.
  • What Will Guard the Guardians? Combating Threats to an Independent Judiciary Through Lessons Learned from Theories of Inherent Executive Power.
  • Chilled Chambers: Constitutional Implications of Requiring Federal Judges to Disclose Their Papers Upon Retirement.

Read Walker’s publications here.

Walker’s visit is sponsored by the Federalist Society.

Strength in numbers: Fairbanks fundraising reports

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Photo: House District 4 candidate Jim Sackett speaks to supporters at Compeau’s in Fairbanks at a fundraising event attended by about 100 people.

REPUBLICANS LIKE SEN. KELLY WINNING THE MEET-AND-GREETS

The 30-day financial reports to the Alaska Public Offices Commission were due July 23, and tell much of the strength of the support for candidates as they head into the last month before the Aug. 21 primary election.

Fairbanks Republicans in competitive races raised significantly more cash to get out their message to potential voters.

It takes both cash and creativity in Fairbanks, where you have to get the yard signs in the ground in summer, before freezing weather takes over. Walking door-to-door in October is difficult in this spread-out community.

Right now, observers say the campaign signs in Fairbanks already have a heavy Republican presence. That’s reflected in the cash reports, too.

Between the House and Senate candidates in Fairbanks, more than $274,000 was raised for their Republican effort.

The Democrats and petition candidates in the Golden Heart City have raised $147,489; the lion’s share of that was raised by Rep. Scott Kawasaki, now running for Senate Seat A.

Pete Kelly

SENATE SEAT A

Sen. Pete Kelly,  the incumbent who had over $71,000 in the year-start report, added another $48,000 for a total of $119,474.

Kelly has no primary competition, good name recognition and stellar reputation as Senate President as the one who said early on said the Senate would never yield on an income tax.

Rep. Scott Kawasaki, a Democrat who favored an income tax, is challenging the Senate seat; he had $48,540 in his year-start report, and  put $41,253 more in the bank, for a strong showing of $89,793.

“This is the marquee race for the State Senate and it’s where the Democrats are putting their effort. Pete Kelly is their prime target,” said Tuckerman Babcock, chairman of the Alaska Republican Party. “Without Sen. Kelly, we would probably have an income tax in Alaska right now.”

SENATE SEAT C

Sen. Click Bishop, the incumbent, added $3,000 to his campaign, and brings his total to $22,375. He is unopposed this cycle in both the Primary and General Election.

HOUSE DISTRICT 1

Bart LeBon, running for District 1 with weak primary competition from Wolfgang Falke, raised $45,479 since the year-start report for a total campaign purse of $70,854.

The District 1 seat is being vacated by Democrat Scott Kawasaki.

Democrat challenger Kathryn Dodge and liberal petition candidate PJ Simon are also in the race. The district leans Republican, but the voters sometimes elect Democrats. Dodge had raised $27,569 in the year-start report, added $39,080 in the 30-day report for a total of $66,649. However, many of her contributions are from herself. Simon reported no funds raised at all.

HOUSE DISTRICT 2

Rep. Steve Thompson, the incumbent running for reelection, raised $4,300, for a total of $14,452 since his year-start report. He has no primary challenger and is in a favored Republican seat.

Van Lawrence is the Democrat challenger who has raised $7,967, and spent $5,800.

HOUSE DISTRICT 3

Rep. Tammie Wilson, the Republican running unopposed for her North Pole seat, raised a conservative $251 in her 30-day report, for a total of $1,353 since the year-start report.

HOUSE DISTRICT 4

Jim Sackett, a Republican running for the first time, raised $43,196.

Sackett has no primary opponent and had not filed for office in time for a year-start report, so this represents his entire fundraising effort.

The District 4 seat is being vacated by Democrat Rep. David Guttenberg.

Grier Hopkins, a well-known Democrat and son of former Borough Mayor Luke Hopkins, is running for the District 4 seat and has raised $32,812, with 200 donors listed. Petition candidate Tim Lamkin reported raising $250.

HOUSE DISTRICT 5

Kevin McKinley, running as a newcomer, raised $6,834 but has spent $4,122. The moderate Republican faces no primary opponent. McKinley owns several tattoo businesses.

Rep. Adam Wool, the incumbent Democrat and bar owner, started the year with $12,579, and has raised another $9,894. But he has spent all but $4,775.

HOUSE DISTRICT 6

Rep. Dave Talerico, the Republican incumbent, raised $6,200 in his 30-day report. He had no year-start report because he had not filed for reelection in time.

His challenger in the General Election, Ed Alexander, a Democrat, has raised more than twice that: $13,548.

FUNDRAISING IN FAIRBANKS

Fairbanks is a generous community but usually not in the $500 max-out level for races, as set by Alaska law. Kelly’s strong showing in fundraising is impressive, but so is the purse of Rep. Kawasaki.

Although he has a playboy reputation in Juneau, Kawasaki is an avid campaigner and is well-liked by his District 1 constituents.

Rep. Scott Kawasaki poses with a statue of William Seward, upon which women’s protestors had placed a pink hat and shawl, in January, 2018, in Juneau. (From social media.)

In Sen. Pete Kelly’s race against Sen. Joe Paskvan in 2012, he raised nearly $80,000 by election night. This year, he’s surpassed that by nearly $40,000 in July.

The issue will come down to taxes: In this community, the income tax favored by Rep. Kawasaki struck home with voters.

House Democrats went so far as to pass an income tax bill, HB 115, on April 15, 2017 — the day that Alaskans had to file their federal taxes. It was a bill that created an almost mirror agency of the IRS, with complicated formulas and severe penalties for errors and omissions.

Sen. Pete Kelly explains his fiscal thinking in his office at the Capitol, in 2017.

The state was in the midst of a serious recession with the highest unemployment in the nation. The previous year the state had lost 9,000 jobs, with more to come, and Fairbanks had been hit hard.

Fairbanks may be especially sensitive to taxation because it’s an expensive place to live, with a high cost of heating fuel.

But for Democrats to flip the Senate as they flipped the House to Democrat control, they’ll need to get Kawasaki to beat Kelly, which is why this race is shaping up to be a “real knuckle-duster,” as one Fairbanks observer put it.

Candidate war chests: Walker, Dunleavy, Begich, Treadwell

A LOOK AT WHO HAS CAMPAIGN CASH AT THIS STAGE

BEGICH SURPRISES WITH CASH: Mark Begich, the Democrat running for governor, may have gotten in the race at the last hour of filing on June 2, but he has raised significant cash on a per-day basis, more per-day than the sitting governor, for a total of $133,373.

That’s the amount Begich has had to work with these past few weeks for his campaign sprint to the Primary election, where he faces a vacant opponent: Gov. Bill Walker fled the Democrats’ ticket when Begich jumped in; Walker will appear on the November ballot as a petition candidate.

Begich has been careful with his cash, spending only $38,000 so far on signs and a campaign headquarters, as well as all the set up and coffee needed to run a campaign. He’s working with about $95,000, although as a Democrat he will get Democratic Governors Committee funds after the primary.

WALKER HAS THE MOST MONEY: Gov. Walker has been campaigning and raising money at least since formally announcing his candidacy last summer, and his campaign is a well-oiled machine that has raised $220,558 since his year-start report.

He brought forward $100,000 from his 2014 campaign, and he’s had close to $500,000 in donations at his disposal during this campaign cycle.

But his expenditures — including a major purchase of a poll — have drained it significantly and much of his money has been spent raising more money, which he will need for the General Election. Walker is working with $337,155 cash on hand, according to APOC, significantly more cash on hand than Begich.

DUNLEAVY’S STANDING TALL ARMY: Mike Dunleavy’s campaign has raised close to $270,000 from over 1,000 donors, and he notes his average contribution is about $200, coming from everyday Alaskans.

Some $163,000 was raised since the start of his campaign, which had been put on hold for several months due to a health issue last fall. He entered 2018 with a clean bill of health but also a cash shortage on the campaign front.

The only one running for governor who has not held statewide elected office, he has had lower name recognition, and much of his effort has been to build that.

Dunleavy is also the only candidate that has a significant independent expenditure group working for his candidacy. Dunleavy for Alaska, separate from his campaign, has more than $700,000, it reported today, with $61,000 raised in the last 10 days.

TREADWELL: Mead Treadwell’s independent expenditure group has raised $31,550 and spent $22,149. Treadwell, a Republican, former lieutenant governor and former U.S. Senate candidate, joined the race on the last day possible, June 2. He has yet to report his campaign donations as of 5:30 pm.

MALLOTT: In the lieutenant governor’s race, Byron Mallott raised $102,238 since his year-start report. He raised a total of $256,822 and spent $198,548, leaving him with just $58,274 as he heads toward the November ballot, where he will be a petition candidate.

MEYER: Kevin Meyer’s campaign for lieutenant governor has amassed $106,803 total, with $23,498 of that coming in the 30-day report.

GATTIS: Lieutenant governor candidate Lynn Gattis raised $4,630 and brought her campaign total to $46,885 for the crowded Republican primary. She has spent $34,800.

GRUNWALD:  Edie Grunwald’s lieutenant governor campaign treasury has grown to $103,476, with the addition of over $61,598 since the year-start report.

HAWKINS:  Scott Hawkins reported raising $25,000, although he has now dropped from the race. His total war chest was $242,208 before he exited, but he spent $144,600 and change. The independent group working to elect Hawkins reports raising a total of $17,000.

SHELDON: Michael Sheldon of Petersburg is reporting $1,713 raised since the year-start report. He has raised a total of $2,038 in his campaign.

Gerald Heikes, a candidate for governor, reported just two cents to the Alaska Public Offices Commission. It was for interest earned on a $300 campaign bank account.

Candidates across the state must file their 30-day reports by today, and many have been appearing in the Alaska Public Offices Commission database over the past week. But all the gubernatorial candidates and lieutenant governor candidates held off reporting until the deadline day.

 

Hiking taxes in Juneau comes with a price

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CBJ FINANCE COMMITTEE CONSIDERS BALLOT PROPS THIS WEEK

By WIN GRUENING
SENIOR CONTRIBUTOR

For any organization, goalsetting is important. Thus, every year during its annual retreat, our City and Borough of Juneau Assembly sets community goals. Last December, the Assembly finalized these priorities for 2018. The 24 adopted goals were grouped into four subject areas: Housing, Economic Development, Sustainable Budget and Public Safety.

Goalsetting fosters thoughtful discussion and consensus and lays the groundwork for the Assembly’s workplan. City staff then formulates ideas and thoroughly vets proposals that further these goals before any formal action is taken.

So, what happened between December and July?

We are more than halfway through 2018. Rather than focus on the majority of agreed-upon priorities, some members of the Assembly, and perhaps city staff, seem fixated on two new proposals being promoted by single-interest groups.

Under consideration for inclusion on the October ballot, these two items will dramatically impact CBJ’s “sustainable budget” goal by spending $12 million toward construction of a new Juneau Arts & Cultural Center — named the “New JACC” — and up to $2.8 million annually to operate a child care/kindergarten readiness program called “Best Starts.”

As I’ve written in past columns, the New JACC proposal is problematic on several fronts. Juneau’s current demographics (shrinking population, job losses, and stagnant economy) don’t support a $32 million cultural facility (plus unspecified millions of dollars for a parking structure).

When initially proposed, supporters stated public funding wouldn’t be required, and the sponsoring organization, the Juneau Arts and Humanities Council (JAHC), would be responsible for operational expenses. As it became clear that wouldn’t be possible, JACC promoters now want taxpayers to shoulder almost half the construction cost and take financial responsibility for operating shortfalls.

The New JACC request is accompanied by a slick, emotional campaign about the importance of the arts but is missing an updated in-depth study of potential revenues and expenses. The objective seems to be to get it on the ballot quickly before anyone can question the project’s feasibility.

There’s been no serious effort to verify supporters’ economic argument that the New JACC would be self-supporting — raising the specter the city would be saddled with another operational subsidy adding to the existing $600,000 loss incurred each year by Centennial Hall.

How is it that this project magically appeared as a pressing priority when it’s not mentioned in any of the Assembly’s goals? Does it really deserve $12 million in bond funding to be repaid through sales tax, property tax, and increased hotel/motel tax?

The Best Starts proposal does fall under an Assembly goal of improving Juneau’s Next Generation Workforce by supporting continued education funding, and child care with an emphasis on kindergarten readiness.

But it should be noted when this proposal was brought before the Assembly during budget hearings, it was declined due to lack of a funding source. Its supporters then proposed putting it on the ballot for a vote to be paid through an increase in property taxes.

Both the New JACC proposal and Best Starts, if passed by voters, will likely divert funding and attention from public safety — such as additional police officers or paramedics – and other more important goals on the Assembly’s priority list.

Increasing property taxes will make housing less affordable and economic development less viable.

Raising the hotel/motel tax (making Juneau’s visitor tax burden among the highest in the state) will make Juneau a less attractive destination for conventions and independent tourism.

Using limited sales tax dollars to support either of these projects will arguably reduce available funding for necessary infrastructure projects like the Juneau Airport remodel and water/sewer utility upgrades. This would hobble improvements in the city’s deferred maintenance/asset management long term plan — another higher priority goal of the Assembly.

The New JACC and Best Starts projects, regardless of how public-spirited they may be, cannot be considered in a vacuum.

It is the Assembly’s responsibility to act in a non-emotional, measured way that honors adopted goals and the basic purpose of municipal government — which is not to satisfy everyone’s “wants” but to provide true needs.

Without all the facts, along with independent and credible feasibility analyses of these projects, acceding to pleas that these tough decisions be shifted to the ballot is an abdication of that responsibility.

Win Gruening retired as the senior vice president in charge of business banking for Key Bank in 2012. He was born and raised in Juneau and graduated from the U.S. Air Force Academy in 1970. He is active in community affairs as a 30-plus year member of Juneau Downtown Rotary Club and has been involved in various local and statewide organizations.