Gov. Mike Dunleavy wanted a smidgen of accountability in the state’s education spending. He didn’t get it from the House and Senate Democrats, who did the bidding of education industry unions and stripped all accountability from the education spending bill, House Bill 69.
On Thursday Dunleavy vetoed HB 69, as he had repeatedly warned the Legislature that he would do. The Democrat-led House and Senate have scheduled a joint meeting for Tuesday at 1 pm or 2 pm to try to override the veto.
There were two reasons for the veto, Dunleavy told reporters at a Thursday press availability. One is that the revenue situation has deteriorated a lot since he first offered his proposed budget back in December. The price of oil is significantly lower, under $70 a barrel. Alaska Department of Revenue’s Fall 2024 forecast, released in December, projected an annual average Alaska North Slope crude oil price of $73.86 per barrel for the fiscal year 2025.
“And the second reason for the veto is that there is no policy in the bill,” Dunleavy said.
“For years, I’ve been clear: I support increased education funding, but it must be tied to meaningful reforms that improve student outcomes and give families more choice,” Dunleavy said. “This bill spends money at a level the state doesn’t have and offers no plan to improve how that money helps our students. I agree with leadership of the Senate Finance Committee who voted against this bill on the floor: We can increase funding for our schools, but HB69’s funding increase is not realistic at this time.”
Dunleavy said he will now introduce a new education bill that includes a $560 Base Student Allocation increase, additional targeted funding and policy reforms.
The total cost of his proposed new legislation is comparable to a $700 BSA increase, he said. The bill will include:
Charter School Reforms: Year-round application windows, faster appeal timelines, streamlined renewals, and protections against unjustified closures—all to make it easier to open and maintain high-quality charter schools.
Reading Incentive Grants: $21.9 million in performance-based funding to reward reading proficiency and growth for students in grades K–6.
Correspondence Program Fix: A $13.6 million adjustment to ensure equitable funding for public correspondence students, while preserving flexibility and parental control.
School Choice Protections: Transparency and accountability in open enrollment, ensuring families have access to the public school that best meets their child’s needs.
There is more than a month remaining in the regular legislative session, Dunleavy pointed out, plenty of time for the Legislature to work with him to get the policies in place that he is prioritizing. Most legislators will be gone from Juneau on Thursday afternoon, as they head home for the Easter weekend.
Sen. Scott Kawasaki of Fairbanks wrote on X that a “veto override is warranted.” But it’s unclear if there are the 40 votes available to get it done.
Watch Dunleavy’s press conference and see how he answers the reporters’ questions at this link.
With the Alaska Democratic Party in a malaise, former Rep. Mary Peltola is being promoted as the headliner at a special event the party is planning for Juneau on April 24.
It’s called the “White King Dinner,” which likely does not refer to the prized salmon, (not a specialty of the Crystal Saloon, which is the venue), and does mean “white privilege,” but more likely refers to the coveted chess piece on a chess board.
The dinner is all about manipulating the political chess board in 2026.
The Democrats are bringing in some national pollsters to help them reset their party, whose many legislative and other leaders will be in Juneau that week, and to come up with a strategy to take back seats and keep existing ones. They’ve just got to get all the chess pieces in the right place on the board.
“The event will also feature Celinda Lake from Lake Research Partners and Sathvik Kaliyur from New Way Forward. Proceeds from the event will benefit the Alaska Democratic Party,” the invitation says, calling the White King Dinner “an evening of dinner, drinks, and conversation about how we’re going to win in 2026.”
The Democrats are out of money nationwide. In Alaska, donations have ground to a halt, if you set aside the contributions from the Democratic National Committee, according to filings at the Federal Election Commission. The Alaska Democratic Party only received $22,116.75 in individual contributions during the first two months of the year, a small amount for a party that has in the past had a big checkbook and a lot of donors.
Considering that the Alaska Democratic Party had fewer than 20 unique donors in the first two months is showing that the rage machine isn’t translating to party support
At the national level, vulnerable House Republicans raised an average of $994,000 with average cash on hand of $1.2 million. On the Democratic side, vulnerable House Democrats raised an average of just $506,000 with average cash on hand of $642,000, according to James Downs of the National Journal.
Congressman Nick Begich, who has been put on the target list by the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, raised the most money in the first quarter of a non-election year than any previous congressional representative for Alaska. The enthusiasm is growing for the policies of the Republicans, as people shrink away from the bizarre talking points of Democrats, who appear to have El Salvadoran criminal MS-13 gang members as their most loyal constituency in 2025.
That the Democrat Party is flying the loser of the 2024 congressional race to Juneau to headline the event shows that the Democrats still consider her the top person to reinvigorate the base, which has a heartbeat in Juneau. The Democrats simply don’t have any big draws other than Peltola. Sen. Forrest Dunbar, known to have higher ambitions, is not that well liked by the party.
The pollsters who the party is bringing into Juneau are also looking to find potential clients for 2026.
Pollster Celinda Lake’s biggest clients are national Democratic campaigns, progressive organizations, and issue-groups like women’s concerns, economic inequality, and climate justice. She was a lead pollster for the Biden campaign in 2020 and works with the Democratic National Committee and other national entities. She was the pollster for former Sen. Mark Begich, a Democrat who won in 2010 against former Sen. Ted Stevens, but lost in 2014 against Sen. Dan Sullivan.
Lake Research Partners served as a pollster for Peltola’s successful 2022 congressional campaign. Lake was part of Peltola’s top-tier campaign team, which included Anchorage’s Ship Creek Group.
Kaliyur of New Way Forward was also a paid consultant to Peltola’s successful 2022 congressional campaign. New Way Forward also works for hardcore leftists like Squad member former Rep. Cori Bush, who was defeated in 2024, as was NWF client Peltola.
At this fundraising dinner event, to be held at the Crystal Saloon, the Democrats will be discussing US Senate, House, and the Alaska governor’s race.
Here’s what the invitation says:
Juneau White King Dinner
“Join Rep. Mary Peltola and the Alaska Democratic Party for dinner! We’ll have a conversation about how we’re going to win 2026 with Rep. Mary Peltola, ADP Chair Eric Croft, and Sathvik Kaliyur from New Way Forward. “The Alaska Democratic Party is making sure that the issues most important to us here at home — like advocating for education funding, combatting outmigration, and protecting our working families — are being addressed at every level. We’re working to make sure that the progress Democrats made on the ground in 2024 continues to position us to fight Republicans’ extreme agenda and strengthen our party’s power. Together, Alaska Democrats can win the Governorship, U.S. House, and Senate seats – AND keep control of our State House and Senate in 2026.
“But to do this, we cannot sit on the sidelines. With your support, we can continue to stay in the fight, build the strongest Party possible, and help elect leaders who will put people first. Your contribution will help us:
“- Build the bench of Democratic candidates who are invested in improving the lives of all Alaskans and tackle issues like high costs of living and preserving our way of life. – Invest in year-round organizing efforts and spend time in every ZIP code to build an even stronger network of engaged voters. – Support our regional parties and provide them with the resources they need to be successful. Hold far-right extremists like Governor Mike Dunleavy, Rep. Nick Begich, and Sen. Dan Sullivan accountable for their actions. – Build up our staff and volunteers so we have the capacity and infrastructure to contest every race in the state and win.
“Thank you for your continued support of the Alaska Democratic Party. When we work together, we win.”
The Democrats do not mention Sen. Lisa Murkowski in their list of “extremists.”
“White King” is somewhat odd terminology, however, for the Democrats who are demanding a return to segregation in an attempt to “save democracy.”
The fact that they plan to so openly discuss the campaign playbook means they are trying to convince their donor base that they have answers. But they are bringing in two groups from outside Alaska to instruct the Democrats on what Alaskans think, and they are getting organized to rebrand the Alaska Democratic Party for the 2026 election cycle.
A few sprawling two-story encampments that have grown in the Northwood/Strawberry/Raspberry Road area of Anchorage are hidden from view, unless you have a drone camera. From above, the encampments can be seen in all their glory.
These are not the only ones. Around Anchorage, those who are living outdoors are increasingly building shelters, some quite elaborate. Others who are down on their luck but not as motivated simply curl up for the night in doorways in Alaska’s largest city.
Some recent photos and videos of Anchorage’s outdoor living community of vagrants, hobos, and criminals:
Homeless person sleeps in the doorway of Williwaw, a restaurant in downtown Anchorage.Makeshift shelters are popping up alongside apartment buildings in Anchorage.
The location of these makeshift huts can be seen on this map:
Location of a growing homeless encampment, with multi-story structures.
The encampments around Anchorage feature destruction of public property, trash, and stolen property. The taxpayer cost of cleaning up these sites will likely run into the tens of thousands of dollars.
Fire season started early this year, and several of the encampment fires have gotten out of control, including:
A fire at a homeless encampment in Davis Park, Mountain View, on Feb. 17, which burned multiple structures.
A significant fire on March 30, at an encampment on Northwood Dr. in Spenard, involving propane tank explosions.
A fire on March 26, 2025, at the Campbell Creek Trail near Foxridge condominiums.
A fire at Resolution Park near downtown, also in late March 2025.
The Anchorage Fire Department has not released a count of encampment fires for 2025 in the available data. However, in 2023, AFD reported 360 fires classified as “homeless encampments or homeless associated,” with 30 being wildland fires. In 2024, fires at encampments like those near Cuddy Park and Davis Park were frequent.
The Alaska Division of Forestry & Fire Protection and the Municipality of Anchorage declared fire season starting on March 27, earlier than the usual April 1 start, due to low snowpack increasing wildfire risk.
Mayor Suzanne LaFrance says that the city will abate camps on a case-by-case basis but she has provided no plan or leadership to solve the problem. The executive director of the Anchorage Coalition to End Homelessness, Meg Zaletel, has recently announced her resignation following years of failure to reverse the growing problem. Anchorage had at least 47 outdoor deaths reported in 2024.
Meanwhile, in the past month, two people have been murdered in one of the larger encampments in Davis Park, in the Mountain View area.
A coalition of environmental and scientific advocacy organizations has filed a federal lawsuit against the Trump Administration, challenging the removal of several publicly accessible climate and environmental justice data websites that were part of the Biden Administration’s climate-change agenda.
The lawsuit was filed in the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia on Monday by the Public Citizen Litigation Group on behalf of the Union of Concerned Scientists, Sierra Club, Environmental Integrity Project, and California Communities Against Toxics.
At the center of the suit are tools like the Climate and Economic Justice Screening Tool and EJScreen, which are platforms designed to provide interactive environmental, climate, and demographic data. The plaintiffs argue that these datasets were essential to researchers, community groups, and policymakers seeking to address pollution and climate-related health disparities in underserved communities.
“These resources were developed for public use, and the government has a duty to keep them available,” said Zach Shelley of Public Citizen, lead counsel for the plaintiffs. Others involved in the suit echoed that the removal of the websites jeopardizes access to information used to protect vulnerable communities.
The tools named in the lawsuit include:
Climate and Economic Justice Screening Tool (CEJST)
EJScreen
Department of Energy’s Low-Income Energy Affordability Data (LEAD) Tool
Community Benefits Plan Map
Department of Transportation’s Equitable Transportation Community (ETC) Explorer
Federal Emergency Management Agency’s Future Risk Index
These sites had data about pollution exposure, housing conditions, energy affordability, health outcomes, transportation equity, and environmental hazards and other information that plaintiffs say is vital for public awareness and informed advocacy. In other words, these datasets gave the environmental litigation industry a motherlode of lawsuit material to work with.
However, while the latest lawsuit highlights concerns about the lack of a feed of information to environmental lawyers, there is no explicit constitutional right guaranteeing public access to federal datasets via specific government websites. Courts have historically upheld the executive branch’s discretion in how it manages and disseminates information, provided no other federal law, such as the Freedom of Information Act, is violated in the process.
In essence, their removal does not necessarily constitute an unlawful act under existing constitutional law. Information from many of these tools is still obtainable through other means, including FOIA requests, academic databases, agency reports, and non-governmental organizations that maintain similar datasets.
Still, environmental advocates argue that the removals amount to an attempt to obscure the data used to measure environmental harm in vulnerable areas.
Union of Concerned Scientists President Gretchen Goldman called it “tantamount to theft,” and Sierra Club Executive Director Ben Jealous stated that the deletion of these tools “jeopardizes peoples’ ability to breathe clean air, drink clean water, and live safe and healthy lives,” even though the information is still accessible through information requests.
The legal battle now centers on whether the Trump Administration’s actions violated administrative procedures or other statutory obligations, and it is another lawsuit by Democrat surrogate organizations going to tie the Trump Administration up in court.
The AFL-CIO wants the public to get activated and encourage their lawmakers to override the governor’s anticipated veto of the $1,000 increase to the Base Student Allocation, or basic funding formula for schools. On Facebook, the union put out a notice to rally the troops to support the extra $253 million annually for the per-student funding component.
But the Alaska public on Facebook was having none of it. The majority of commenters said “veto it,” which is what is expected to happen on Thursday, when Gov. Mike Dunleavy fulfills his promise to axe House Bill 69, which would permanently raise the BSA from current $5,960 per student. It’s a 22% increase for the school districts, where students now hover at the bottom of the 50 states in terms of actual learning, even though the districts are better funded than most in the country.
Alaska spends approximately $22,000 per pupil annually on K-12 public schools, ranking 6th in the nation for total per-pupil spending, according to 2025 data from the Education Data Initiative. Education is the second-largest category in Alaska’s budget, with $1.67 billion budgeted for the Department of Education and Early Development in FY2023
The House and Senate Democrat-led majorities supported HB 69, even though the governor had already called it a “blank check” for school districts with no expectation from them to spend it intelligently and improve how they fulfill their duties to education Alaska’s children.
On the AFL-CIO’s own Facebook post, the public is having none of it, with dozens of responses telling the union that it’s just not reading the room anymore. Here are just a few:
Year after year, the school districts have been getting one-time increases, but without a locked-in formula amount that ties the hands of future legislatures. That’s because the State has drained its reserve accounts and because conservative legislators understand that tying the hands of future lawmakers is wrong.
The union, on the other hand, knows that once the money is released to the districts, the members can then go fight to make sure they get it. HB 69 has no strings — districts are free to use their funds the way they want to, whether or not it goes to teachers, building maintenance, or more administrators. The union can then stage a strike to get the money for its members.
All of the policy pieces of HB 69 that the governor wanted, which would increase school district accountability, were stripped out by Democrat legislators and thus, on Thursday, Dunleavy is likely to make good on his veto promise.
Gov. Dunleavy has already indicated he will support a smaller BSA or another one-time increase if legislators will approve even a few of his policy measures, such as increasing fairness for homeschools and charter schools.
The right of the citizenry to directly petition their government is often seen primarily as a way for d groups to air their grievances, potentially shift public opinion, and eventually enact ballot initiatives or referenda to achieve their goals.
We have seen this play out in Juneau recently with the third attempt to limit cruise traffic in the borough. The petition, filed by individuals involved in two previous unsuccessful efforts, would cap total annual cruise passengers at 1.5 million, and require ships with capacity for 250 or more passengers to only visit Juneau between May and September.
The cruise industry, contrary to claims by its detractors, has largely policed itself. It has negotiated limits on ships, passengers, and use of public facilities. Most residents realize the economic value cruise visitors bring to our community and the financial support it provides to many critical city services.
Whether such an initiative, if passed, would survive legal scrutiny and expected court challenges remains to be seen. Despite the persistence of its sponsorship minority, it is doubtful this tactic will succeed.
On the other hand, even the majority finds the right to petition useful when government seems oblivious to citizens’ concerns.
Despite the economic benefit provided by tourism, community affordability has continued to erode as the City and Borough of Juneau (CBJ) Assembly has funded large projects and programs that have no economic justification, and in some cases, have been rejected by voters. As a result, necessary public services have become more costly, and, as property assessments increase with no corresponding decrease in millage rates, taxes continue to rise, making housing and the cost of living more expensive.
For that reason, a group of concerned citizens, calling themselves the Affordable Juneau Coalition, has filed a set of three initiatives designed to rein in Assembly spending and make Juneau more affordable. The three initiatives filed last week were:
An initiative setting a property tax rate cap of nine mills (the current limit is 12, not including debt service). The existing basic mill rate is 8.96 plus 1.08 mills for debt service equaling a total of 10.04. Therefore, this initiative would cap the total rate at 10.08 today.
An initiative exempting “essential food” and residential utilities from local sales taxes, which currently total 5%. This has been suggested by various Assembly members over the years but has never been enacted due to city leaders’ unwillingness to seek offsetting revenues or trim expenses.
A charter amendment reversing an existing ordinance “requiring that mail-in voting take priority over in-person voting.” Instead, if approved, the amendment would require all local elections to be poll-based.
These three petitions deserve thoughtful consideration. Unlike the anti-cruise petitions, these have been researched and carefully worded to avoid potential legal issues. Sponsors submitted drafts to the city attorney to ensure compliance with the city charter and existing statute before submittal.
However, one of them stands out among the three.
When the Juneau Assembly ditched a tried-and-true voting system without the barest semblance of community input or approval, they mandated an arrangement that robbed CBJ voters of the opportunity to come together in their neighborhood precincts to participate collectively in democracy.
The CBJ Assembly insists that vote-by-mail makes voting more convenient, guarantees that every vote is counted, and increases voter turnout.
Regrettably, that hasn’t been borne out by the facts. Vote-by-mail has not increased Juneau’s voter turnout, isn’t more convenient, is wasteful, more expensive, has a higher invalidation rate, and is susceptible to voter fraud.
This has been obvious since inception, but the CBJ Assembly has ignored the facts and declined to offer voters a choice or conduct a formal study to determine the efficacy of vote-by-mail. Like the other two initiatives, this initiative would simplify government policy, make it fairer, and help reduce government waste and unnecessary spending, thereby making Juneau more affordable.
Equally as important, vote-by-mail fails even the most basic test of promoting civic engagement as it trivializes and complicates the voting process and makes it less transparent.
Our statewide elections have suffered a similar fate because of the deleterious effects of Ranked Choice Voting (RCV). A proliferation of spoiled and uncounted ballots and endless delays in an opaque vote counting method have led to voter confusion and distrust. Election day has turned into “election months” and have discouraged voter participation.
Just like Juneau’s vote-by-mail scheme, RCV has not delivered on its sponsors’ promises. Negative campaigning, polarization, and “dark money” have continued to plague our statewide elections.
After falling short by a few hundred votes in a campaign to repeal RCV in 2024, Alaskan voters have once again renewed the effort to place it on the ballot in 2026. Signature gathering has begun and will continue until the requisite 35,000 signatures are reached.
The right to petition is a fundamental aspect of the First Amendment and a cornerstone of American democracy, empowering citizens to seek change and hold their government accountable.
Sometimes, as ordinary citizens, we don’t realize how important this right is.
If voters believe they deserve to vote on these matters, they should sign these petitions and then make an informed choice on election day.
After retiring as the senior vice president in charge of business banking for Key Bank in Alaska, Win Gruening became a regular opinion page columnist for the Juneau Empire. He was born and raised in Juneau and graduated from the U.S. Air Force Academy in 1970. He is involved in various local and statewide organizations.
The Alaska House of Representatives narrowly passed the Fiscal Year 2026 (FY26) operating budget today in a 21-19 vote, advancing a nearly $13 billion spending plan, considering all funds. The vote was along caucus lines, with the Democrat-led majority prevailing, 21-19.
The budget, which must go through the Senate committee and floor processes, is higher than the current fiscal year’s budget, which is $12.2 billion.
There is not enough projected revenue to cover the entire spending plan at this point in the process, as it is about $70 million in the red.
The budget includes:
$6.167 billion in Unrestricted General Funds, while last year’s budget had $5.0 billion in UGF spending
$1.004 billion in Designated General Funds
$1.976 billion from other state funds
$3.832 billion in federal receipts
Total: $12.979 billion
To compare to 2012’s $13 billion budget, in that year the Unrestricted General Funds were $7.3 billion, while this year they are $6.167 billion. But 2012 was the highest budget in Alaska history. In 2018, the UGF was $4.7 billion and in 2024, it was $5.2 billion, and in 2025 it was $5.0 billion. Thus, this budget version is significantly higher than in recent years.
A supermajority vote (30 of 40 House members and 15 of 20 Senate members) is required to access the Constitutional Budget Reserve, and previous attempts to secure such votes have faced challenges. The Constitutional Budget Reserve contains about $2.84 billion.
A number of additions to the budget were added during the amendment process and those will likely be trimmed back by the Senate.
One of the most significant components of the budget is a $1,000 per-student increase to the Base Student Allocation, the formula used to fund public K-12 schools, along with additional funding for school transportation. That added $86 million to the budget and would also add that amount every year going forward. Gov. Mike Dunleavy is expected to announce a veto of the BSA increase during a Thursday press conference.
Other notable funding priorities include:
Public Safety: Funding for five new Village Public Safety Officer (VPSO) positions.
Senior Support: $3 million for senior centers, plus funding for adult day services and respite care.
Child and Family Programs: $7.7 million for child care assistance, $5.7 million for early intervention and infant learning, and $5.5 million for child advocacy centers.
Transportation: $10 million in backstop funds to stabilize the Alaska Marine Highway System, supporting coastal communities’ connectivity.
Permanent Fund Dividend (PFD): A $950 million appropriation to support an estimated $1,400 PFD per Alaskan, with additional relief contingent on oil prices exceeding $73 per barrel. It is currently under $68 a barrel. This is one-quarter of what Alaskans are entitled to by statute, but the Legislature has not followed the statute since 2017, the year after Gov. Bill Walker vetoed half of the Permanent Fund dividend.
Salary increases: $17.7 million for state employee salary adjustments.
The spending plan that passed the House does not make substantial cuts to overall state spending. Several members of the House’s Republican minority caucus expressed concern about long-term fiscal sustainability during floor debate.
The bill now heads to the Alaska Senate, where further changes may be made before it reaches the governor’s desk.
On Tuesday, the Senate passed a lean $162 million capital budget, which will allow the state to bring in another $2.5 billion in federal funds for roads, construction, and other big projects.
US District Court Judge James Boasberg has issued an order stating that he has found probable cause to hold members of the Trump administration in criminal contempt for their failure to comply with his earlier directive to halt deportation flights to El Salvador.
The judge’s order stems from his March 15 ruling in which he issued a temporary restraining order blocking the removal of at least 261 individuals alleged to be members of the Tren de Aragua gang.
The deportations were being carried out under the Alien Enemies Act, which allows for the removal of foreign nationals deemed a threat during times of conflict.
Boasberg said Trump officials did not follow his order to turn flights around and return deportees who were already en route or had been removed in violation of the restraining order.
The White House said it will appeal the judge’s decision.
No timeline has yet been announced for the appeal or any potential hearings on the contempt finding.
The judge wrote: At this point in the contempt inquiry, however ,the information at issue is not necessary to proceed, so the Court will not resolve whether the invocation is warranted. Reynolds 345 U.S. at 11 (“necessity” of information “determine[s] how far the court should probe in satisfying itself that the occasion for invoking the pivilege is appropriate”). But if the information turns out to be necessary later in these proceedings. the Court may revisit the invocation,” Boasberg wrote.
“For the foregoing reasons, the Court will find probable cause that Defendants‘ actions constitute contempt. It will provide them an opportunity to purge such contempt. If they opt not to do so, the Court will proceed to identify the contemnor(s) and refer the matter for prosecution. A separate Order so stating will be issued this day,” he concluded.
Congressman Nick Begich visited Kodiak this week for a series of high-profile engagements focused on Alaska’s strategic importance in defense, fisheries, and aerospace.
Congressman Begich is a member of the Science, Space, and Technology Committee. In Kodiak, he toured the Pacific Space Complex Alaska, and was briefed on the facility’s launch capabilities and its growing role in both national security and commercial space operations.
In the Trump Administration, space travel and rockets are getting more focus. Private companies like SpaceX, Blue Origin, and Rocket Lab are driving innovation with reusable rockets, commercial launches, and plans for lunar and Mars missions. NASA’s Artemis program aims to return humans to the Moon by 2026. Billion-dollar investments, growing satellite markets, and public interest in space tourism are fueling the trend. X posts and web data show a surge in discussions about launches, with SpaceX’s Starship tests and Axiom Space’s private astronaut missions trending recently.
The global space economy is projected to hit $1 trillion by 2040, reflecting the growing interest, and all of this could be important for the Pacific Space Complex Alaska, the only FAA-licensed orbital vertical rocket launch site in Alaska and one of only four in the United States.
Its unique economic model, operating without state or federal funds for operations and maintenance since 2015, aligns with the private space sector’s growth.
Begich spent time at US Coast Guard Base Kodiak, meeting with leadership from USCG’s District 17, an area of responsibility that ranks among the largest in the nation.
Congressman Nick Begich tours the Coast Guard Cutter Alex Haley in Kodiak.
Discussions focused on mission success, maritime safety, and the operational challenges unique to Arctic and remote environments.
Begich, who also serves on the Transportation and Infrastructure Committee, toured the newly-commissioned Fast Response Cutter USCGC Witherspoon, and received an operational overview with personnel from Air Station Kodiak, which plays a critical role in regional search and rescue missions.
Congressman Nick Begich aboard the USCG Cutter Witherspoon.
In addition to his defense-focused stops, Congressman Begich participated in ComFish 2025, Alaska’s largest commercial fishing trade show. He gave the participants an update on federal support in maintaining sustainable practices, protecting fish stocks, and improving infrastructure in coastal communities. Approximately 40% of the Kodiak region is employed through the fishing industry, either in the fishing fleets or in processing.
The visit highlighted Congressman Begich’s focus on advocating for Alaska’s distinct priorities on the national stage, whether it’s aerospace, strengthening military readiness, or the state’s vital fisheries.
