The Freedom Foundationon Saturday launched the Teacher Freedom Alliance, a new organization designed to provide educators with an alternative to traditional union membership. The initiative follows the success of the Freedom Foundation’s annual Teacher Freedom Summit, which has engaged more than 500 educators from 35 states over the past two years.
The Teacher Freedom Alliance aims to bring together teachers nationwide to restore educational values and challenge the necessity of traditional teachers’ unions. The organization promotes a vision where educators can exercise their First Amendment rights without union influence.
“Public employees are leaving their unions in record numbers, frustrated by the funding of radical agendas driven by union bosses,” said Freedom Foundation CEO Aaron Withe. “The Teacher Freedom Alliance offers an alternative for pro-America educators who seek to restore traditional values in the classroom and provide students with the high-quality education they deserve—free from political influence and union control.”
The Teacher Freedom Alliance was established in response to increasing dissatisfaction among educators regarding the direction of public education, which many believe is influenced by the agendas of traditional teachers’ unions. The new organization is committed to supporting teachers in their mission to develop free, moral, and responsible citizens. Unlike unions, TFA offers its resources and community at no additional cost to educators.
The Teacher Freedom Alliance is dedicated to:
Promoting traditional educational values.
Providing teachers with superior resources.
Fostering a school culture where educators feel empowered to advocate for themselves and their students.
With growing concerns over union leadership’s political spending and ideological influence, TFA presents itself as a viable alternative for teachers who seek a focus on academic excellence over activism.
It’s not even spring, much less summer, but Democrats are already following the instructions of House Rep. Hakeem Jeffries, who said they would take the fight to the streets.
Across the country, the dealerships for Tesla have become a target, and are being shot at, vandalized, and even charging stations have been set on fire, as violent Democrats disagree with the Trump Administration’s taking over government, rooting out the Deep State, and putting Elon Musk at the head of the department of Government Efficiency to vastly restructure the federal government and reduce the $36 trillion national debt.
The Leftist media has claimed repeatedly that Musk has fired tens of thousands of federal workers, when in fact, he doesn’t have the singular authority to fire them; the firings are being done by the Trump Administration, which oversees the executive branch.
Musk owns the Tesla car manufacturing company, a leader in electric-driven vehicles. In one attack at a Tigard, Ore. Tesla dealership, showroom windows were shot out and a Model X was firebombed with a Molotov cocktail.
In Washington, D.C. on Saturday night, Secret Service had a gunfight with a man near the White House who had travelled from Indiana, and brandished a gun at officers. That man is now in the hospital.
Over the weekend, pro-Palestinian protesters vandalized one of President Donald Trump’s golf resorts, the Turnberry in Scotland, scrawling red spray-painted letters across the building in support of terrorists who control Gaza. Scotland is Trump’s mother’s ancestral homeland and the location of one of his signature resorts.
Vice President JD Vance on Saturday was approached and followed closely by shouting pro-Ukrainian protesters in Cincinnati, Ohio while he was walking with his three-year-old daughter. Vance wrote about the experience on X:
“Today while walking my 3 year old daughter a group of ‘Slava Ukraini’ protesters followed us around and shouted as my daughter grew increasingly anxious and scared,” Vance wrote. “I decided to speak with the protesters in the hopes that I could trade a few minutes of conversation for them leaving my toddler alone. (Nearly all of them agreed.) It was a mostly respectful conversation, but if you’re chasing a 3-year-old as part of a political protest, you’re a s*** person.”
During the first Trump Administration, the left became increasingly violent, particularly during the final year of office when he was running for reelection. The riots that developed after the death of drug addict and wife-beater George Floyd was second-most destructive period of local unrest in United States history, only overshadowed by the 1992 Los Angeles riots.
More than $128 million of federal taxpayer money was spent on at least 341 grants to fund gender ideology initiatives under the Biden administration, according to an analysis of federal data by the American Principles Project.
In, “Funding Insanity: Federal Spending on Gender Ideology under Biden-Harris,” APP says it “found how the federal government has been spending hundreds of millions of YOUR MONEY on the Gender Industrial Complex!”
APP says it identified the grants by searching the USA Spending database. The data, which is available for free, is categorized by federal agency; notable grants are highlighted.
The U.S. Health and Human Services Department awarded the greatest amount of funding totaling nearly $84 million through 60 grants.
The Department of State awarded the greatest number of grants, 209, totaling more than $14 million, according to the data.
Other agencies awarding taxpayer-funded gender ideology grants include:
U.S. Agency for International Development, nearly $18 million through 8 grants;
National Endowment for the Humanities, more than $2.6 million through 20 grants;
Department of Justice, $1.9 million through three grants;
Institute of Museum and Library Services, $1.87 million through 13 grants;
Department of Education, $1.67 million through two grants;
Department of Agriculture, $1.6 million through five grants;
Department of the Interior, more than 1,000,000 awarded through two grants;
U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, more than $548,000 through 4 grants;
Inter-American Foundation, more than $490,000 through two grants;
National Endowment for the Arts, $262,000 through 13 grants.
APP also identified 63 federal agency contracts totaling more than $46 million that promote gender ideology. They include total obligated amounts and the number of contracts per agency.
The majority, $31 million, was awarded through USAID. The next greatest amount of $4.4 million was awarded through the Department of Defense.
The Trump administration has taken several approaches to gut USAID, which has been met with litigation. The Department of Defense and other agencies are also under pressure to cut funding and reduce redundancies.
Notable grants include:
$3.9 million to Key Populations Consortium Uganda for promoting “the safety, agency, well-being and the livelihoods of LGBTQI+ in Uganda;”
$3.5 million to Outright International for “the Alliance for Global Equality and its mission to promote LGBTQI+ people in priority countries around the world;”
$2.4 million to the International Rescue Committee for “inclusive consideration of sexual orientation, gender identity, and sexual characteristics in humanitarian assistance;”
$1.9 million to the American Bar Association to “shield the LGBTQI+ population in the Western Balkans;”
$1.4 million for “economic empowerment of and opportunity for LGBTQI+ people in Serbia;”
$1.49 million to Equality for All Foundation, Jamaica to “Strengthen community support structures to upscale LGBT rights advocacy;”
More than $1 million to Bandhu Social Welfare Society to support gender diverse people in Bangladesh.
One of the grants identified by APP, which has since been cancelled, was $600,000 from the U.S. Department of Agriculture to Southern University Agricultural & Mechanical College in Baton Rouge, Louisiana, to study menstruation and menopause, including in biological men.
According to a description of the grant summary, funding would support research, extension, and teaching to address “growing concerns and issues surrounding menstruation, including the potential health risks posed to users of synthetic feminine hygiene products (FHP);” advancing research in the development of FHP that use natural materials and providing menstrual hygiene management; producing sustainable feminine hygiene sanitary products using natural fibers; providing a local fiber processing center for fiber growers in Louisiana, among others.
It states that menstruation begins in girls at roughly age 12 and ends with menopause at roughly age 51. “A woman will have a monthly menstrual cycle for about 40 years of her life averaging to about 450 periods over the course of her lifetime,” but adds: “It is also important to recognize that transgender men and people with masculine gender identities, intersex and non-binary persons may also menstruate.”
All federal funding was allocated to state agencies through the approval of Congress when it voted to pass continuing resolutions to fund the federal government and approved agency budgets.
The Trump Administration has cracked down on diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives wherever and however it can. Several publicly funded universities have, as a result, scaled back or done away with DEI programs, to avoid the risk of losing federal funding.
However, it appears DEI will likely assume a different form rather than disappear outright.
A recent lecture at the University of Alaska Fairbanks shows how the shape-shifting will be done.
On Feb. 21, the University of Alaska Board of Regents voted to scrap all things related to DEI from university websites, titles, and office names in order to align the university system with President Donald Trump’s executive orders.
The board made its decision ahead of a lecture scheduled to be held at UAF called “A White Guy’s Road to Decolonial Pedagogy,” to be given by Kevin Gannon, a liberal history professor and political activist at Queens University, a private institution in Charlotte, NC.
Mysteriously, the name of Gannon’s lecture was changed to “Critically Reflective Pedagogy” on the UAF website. Hyperlinks with the original title can still be found online.
Similarly, a page that displayed UAF’s statement of its commitment to inclusivity has been taken down or moved.
“As a unit of a Land, Sea and Space Grant institution, we acknowledge the university system’s role in forming and maintaining colonial structures of power through land seizure and assimilation via education,” the page, which is still visible through a digital archive, reads.
The substance of Gannon’s talk was consistent with both UAF’s inclusivity statement and concepts at the core of DEI.
“This lecture uses personal vignettes to illustrate how an educator whose identities come from culturally dominant and privileged places might encounter, and embrace, a decolonizing practice for teaching and learning,” a description on the UAF website explains.
A spokesperson for the university told Must Read Alaska that Gannon was “a guest lecturer and that the event was hosted by the Center for Teaching and Learning at UAF.” At the time of this article’s publication, they were unable to provide more information as to why the title of the lecture was changed.
Critics consider this pedagogical approach controversial because it pits groups against one another on the basis of race, tribe, or ethnicity, and characterizes certain institutions as fundamentally racist.
Indeed, in a blog post, Gannon describes himself as an “abolitionist,” that is, he supports the elimination or dramatic reduction of policing and the prison system. He also says that he is “a strong proponent of DEI work and the people doing it.”
UAF offers just one example of how DEI might adapt to the changing political landscape.
Last July, Microsoft disbanded its DEI team, which seemed to herald a hard about-face. But come January, in response to mounting pressure from the Trump administration and conservative activists, chief executive Satya Nadella wrote in the company’s annual report that the values associated with DEI “ensure our work force represents the planet we serve.”
Major U.S. firms like Apple, Costco, Delta Air Lines, and JPMorgan Chase have also redoubled their commitment to DEI, while others have disbanded their DEI offices as pressure mounts to disassociate from race-based policies and practices.
“The flight crew that landed on the train was not just good, they were amazing.” – Col. Manuel Menendez
A rarely performed landing of a Black Hawk helicopter on a railcar was successfully executed during the Special Operation Forces Arctic Medic 2025 exercise near Fairbanks.
Alaska Army National Guard aviators assigned to Golf Company, 2nd Battalion, 211th General Support Aviation Battalion successfully landed a Sikorsky HH-60M Black Hawk on the platform of an Alaska Railroad railcar, while the flatbed car was stopped on a bridge over the Chena River on Feb. 20. The HH-60M Black Hawk has an empty weight of about 14,470 pounds, with gross weight of 21,400 pounds.
The two-wheel touchdown on a rail car had never before been attempted by an Alaska Army National Guard aviator. Southcentral pilot JD Miller and Juneau-based support pilot David Berg nailed the landing.
Unlike traditional landings on runways or open spaces, this landing presented unique challenges, including the importance of exact approach calculations to ensure a stable hover while ground crews unloaded medical equipment and supplies from the helicopter.
Ground crew unloads medical equipment and supplies from the Black Hawk while it is touched down on the train car.
The crew also performed a complex medical evacuation maneuver, lowering critical care flight paramedic Staff Sgt. Steven Gildersleeve onto the train to retrieve a patient, using the operational a state-of-the-art, hoist-approved patient isolation unit used exclusively by the US Coast Guard. Members of the Coast Guard participated in the exercise to field this innovative equipment and demonstrate its use in austere conditions.
“I am absolutely inspired by the Alaska National Guard team, their knowledge, professionalism, and willingness to solve problems with minimal guidance to plan any given mission,” said Col. Manuel Menendez, Command Surgeon with Special Operations Command North and a lead planner for the exercise.
“The flight crew that landed on the train was not just good, they were amazing, and I’m looking forward to my next trip to Alaska to work with them again soon,” he said.
The rail car operation was designed to evaluate how traumatically injured and chemically or biologically contaminated casualties could be transported following decontamination and initial stabilization via a hospital train.
Historically, US and NATO forces have utilized hospital trains, and this exercise sought to explore how the concept could be applied to larger-scale combat operations, where mass casualty situations would call for innovative transport solutions.
To train in the need for en route care, Alaska Army National Guard flight surgeon Maj. Titus Rund collaborated with SOCNORTH to develop an augmented reality system designed for mobile platforms in austere locations. This system enabled a paramedic, known as a “TeleDelegate,” to operate under the remote supervision of a “TeleMentor”—a specialist such as an anesthesiologist or surgeon. That person was located at Brooke Army Medical Center in San Antonio, Texas.
The augmented reality system successfully transmitted real-time vital signs and procedural guidance, allowing specialists at Brooke to oversee critical care interventions, including anesthesia management, damage control surgery, and intensive care measures aboard the moving train. The ability to provide remote expert supervision via augmented reality technology is a major step toward ensuring higher-quality medical care in remote and challenging environments.
In this scenario, a train carrying a simulated casualty exposed to a potential biological or radiological agent underwent treatment from an isolated rail car.
The exercise required coordinated efforts to deliver essential medical supplies—including Low-Titer O whole blood and chemical countermeasures—via helicopter to the treatment and containment areas.
The combined air and ground mission showcased the joint collaboration between NORTHCOM, SOCNORTH, Special Operations Command (SOCOM), U.S. Customs and Border Protection-BORSTAR, the FBI, the US Army, Coast Guard, Air Force Reserves, Alaska National Guard, Alaska Railroad Corporation, and the University of Alaska Fairbanks Drone Program. These entities brought their best equipment and practices to enhance the operational success of SOFAM 2025.
From Feb. 18-21, the event brought together some of the nation’s most elite warriors and medical professionals to train in extreme cold weather conditions at the Yukon Training Area near Fort Wainwright.
The AKARNG crew responsible for the landmark rail car landing included Pilot in Command Chief Warrant Officer 3 JD Miller, Support Pilot Chief Warrant Officer 2 David Berg, Crew Chief Sgt. 1st Class Brad McKenzie, and Flight Medics Staff Sgt. Steven Gildersleeve and Staff Sgt. Michael Crane. Miller, the company standardization pilot for the 2-211 GSAB, worked closely with Rund to ensure the mission’s success.
Berg, who is based out of Juneau, expressed the significance of the operation: “I think a big part of what we brought to the fight here was our depth of experience working in these cold weather conditions and our ability to coordinate with a multitude of different units, including active-duty troops, federal, state, and local agencies. We really want to push that we’re open for business in working with all of our training partners to hone our skill sets and relationships.”
Rund worked in coordination with the Alaska Railroad Corporation to secure railcars for the training event, facilitating the Black Hawk landing, hoisting operations, and en-route testing of the Augmented Reality TeleDelegation system aboard a moving train.
“We’re honored to be able to serve our communities and military,” said Tom Covington, Director of Safety for the Alaska Railroad Corporation. “Observing the military’s approach to utilizing these railcars over the course of this exercise has given us valuable insight into how we can improve our cold weather survival capabilities as an organization.”
This cutting-edge medical training and experimentation exercise enhanced casualty care and medical evacuation proficiency using standard, nonstandard, and experimental equipment sourced from across the U.S. military and NATO partner forces. Rund and his team worked alongside exercise leaders to integrate the AKARNG crew into this next era of Arctic warfighting, as SOCNORTH continues its efforts to establish medical requirements for extreme cold environments.
Reflecting on the exercise, Berg praised the vision and leadership behind the mission: “It’s fantastic being able to work with team leadership like Doc Rund and see the work that he’s put in and the people he’s surrounded himself with to accomplish this. He talked about this training evolution and told us he sees us having an integral part in it. It’s the way of the future and a good test of expanding our horizons and opportunities for what we can achieve together.”
SOFAM 2025 demonstrated not only the Alaska National Guard’s ability to operate in extreme conditions but also the power of joint military and interagency cooperation to advance Arctic medical evacuation capabilities
In the spring of 1915, a tent and shanty community grew along the banks of Ship Creek, as workers headed north to work on the Alaska Railroad. The conditions were rough and unsanitary, but the workers were there to be part of something and make a living. There was no safety net for the people who set up the tent city.
In 2025, Anchorage still sees tent communities popping up along roadways, trails, and sometimes on the streets themselves. The difference is that those in the tent communities are drug- and alcohol-addicted mentally ill people who are not looking for work, but looking for a fix.
Between 2020 and 2024, Anchorage appropriated nearly $190 million toward fighting homelessness, with no success. The Assembly is now focused on making Anchorage more affordable, in hopes that the street people will find a place to live.
A gallery of Anchorage’s lost souls who make the streets their home, photographed during the past week:
Photo at top of this page on the left is credited by the US Library of Congress to August Cohn, who worked for the Alaska Engineering Commission in 1915-17 as a civil engineer and surveyor. In the photo gallery directly above, Anchorage in 2025 is littered with addicts and forlorn individuals living on the streets, in greenbelts, and inside abandoned buildings.
Assemblywoman Meg Zaletel, who is the CEO of Anchorage Coalition to End Homelessness, says homelessness is escalating in Anchorage. That has been clear to the public for some time.
At a Friday news conference, Zaletel called for immediate action, although tens of millions of dollars have gone to her agency, and the problem is getting worse.
“Anchorage is facing an escalating affordable housing emergency, with more than 1,000 households at risk of eviction due to rising rental costs and lack of available affordable housing,” Zaletel said.
But the people who are living on the street are not the ones being impacted by rising rental costs, because they could not pay even a nominal amount of rent, due to their personal problems.
First spike driven into rail in 1915.Workers built sod huts and lived in tents, but they worked.
If you want to know what really matters to the Alaska State Legislature, don’t listen to the speeches or read the press releases. Watch the bills. The ones that move—especially those that make it to the Finance Committees or beyond—tell the story of where the majority’s heart lies.
Forty-five days into this session, I sat down with Rep. Sarah Vance of Homer, District 6, on the Must Read Alaska Show to peel back the curtain on what’s happening in Juneau. What we found is a Legislature that’s doubling down on government growth while leaving everyday Alaskans to wonder, “Where do I fit in?”
Let’s start with the evidence. The first bill to clear the House and land on Gov. Mike Dunleavy’s desk this year was HB 65, the Railroad Corporation Financing bill. It gives the Alaska Railroad authority to bond for repairs to the Seward dock—a win for the corporation and its user groups. Fair enough. Infrastructure matters. The governor’s already signed it, so that’s one in the books. But then you look at what’s piling up in House Finance, the choke point for bills with fiscal impact (which is most of them), and a pattern emerges.
There’s HB 48, setting up a Civil Legal Services Fund to increase funding for court-appointed lawyers. HB 31 exempts commercial fishing vessels from duplicative registration. HB 17 tweaks PERS to benefit disabled veteran retirees—worthy, but still government-focused. HB 110 adds a faculty member to the University of Alaska Board of Regents. HB 23 fiddles with the Human Rights Commission. HB 34 spins up the Alaska Innovation Council. And don’t forget the e-cigarette tax bill, poised to fill state coffers. Notice anything? These bills cater to public sector employees, nonprofits chasing grants, or government itself. Even the exceptions—like HB 36 and HB 73, helping kids in psychiatric care and folks with behavioral health issues, or a commercial fishing bill—still lean on government solutions or spending.
Rep. Vance put it bluntly: “The people leading the conversation in the majority really like the self-licking ice cream cone. Let’s keep things going the way they are.” She’s right. This isn’t about Democrats versus Republicans—though it’s tempting to point fingers. Both sides have their hands in perpetuating the same old game. I asked her how the Legislature picks its priorities, and her answer cut to the chase: “I can’t tell you how they choose other than we keep pushing through to keep the business of government going.”
Take education funding, the 800-pound gorilla in the room. HB 69 proposes a $1,000 increase to the Base Student Allocation (BSA)—the per-student funding formula – with additional increases in the years to come. Sounds simple, right? Except the House Education Committee refused governor or minority requested policy reforms, leaving it a straight cash dump. Vance crunched the numbers: over three years, this balloons the education budget by 43%, or $1.47 billion. And that’s not just a one-time bump—it’s tied to inflation-proofing via the Consumer Price Index, locking in automatic increases the Legislature can’t control. Who pays? You do. Likely through a shrinking Permanent Fund Dividend (PFD) or new taxes. The fiscal note’s a fantasy when you look at our budget reality.
Meanwhile, education policy reforms—like tying funding to student outcomes or tackling our dismal academic results—aren’t moving. Vance said the majority’s betting more money fixes everything. “They think adding more to the system will help our students succeed,” she told me. “That’s a big fat no.” She’s not wrong. Throwing cash at a broken system without demanding results is like pouring water into a leaky bucket. Where’s the accountability? Where’s the innovation? Where are parents being enabled – the real key to better results? The public’s not getting that conversation because the majority’s not having it.
Then there’s HB 78, the defined benefits bill for public employees. It never even hit a policy committee—just slid straight to Finance. No clear fiscal note yet, though speculation from last August pegged it at a billion dollars. Add that to the $6 billion in unfunded liabilities from the last defined benefits mess, and you’ve got a taxpayer time bomb. Vance nailed it: “It’s going to be our children and their grandchildren” who pay. The majority’s promising security—guaranteed pensions, guaranteed school funding—while ignoring the reality that nothing’s free. Death and taxes, folks. That’s what’s guaranteed.
So what does this tell us? The Legislature’s priorities are clear: protect the government ecosystem. Railroad corporations, public sector unions, the education establishment, court-appointed lawyers—they’ve got a voice in Juneau. But what about the family in the Bush counting on a PFD to buy groceries? Or the young couple in Anchorage trying to build a home? I hear from folks who say, “The PFD doesn’t matter to me—I’m fine.” Good for them. But for thousands of Alaskans, that resource wealth isn’t pocket change—it’s a lifeline. And it’s shrinking to prop up government.
Vance sees it too. “When we shrink the size of government, it leaves more room for the private sector,” she said. “That’s what builds the economy.” She’s pushing bills that don’t feed the government beast—like one to fight human trafficking and another to crack down on obscene child sex material. Real-world safety stuff. Yet they’re stuck in Judiciary and Community and Regional Affairs Committees, waiting for a hearing. Meanwhile, the Alaska Innovation Council gets a fast track. Priorities, right?
Here’s the kicker: this isn’t just about money. It’s about freedom. Vance tied a stifled economy to social ills like domestic violence, citing a Council on Domestic Violence and Sexual Assault report. During COVID, it wasn’t the virus driving up abuse—it was job losses and cash shortages from government restrictions. When people can’t work, can’t thrive, the ripple effects hit hard. A Legislature obsessed with growing government isn’t solving that—it’s making it worse.
So where’s the hope? It’s with you, the public. Vance ended our talk with a plea: “We need your engagement. Don’t give up.” She’s dead-on. Last year, I carried a bill to cut $250 million from the budget by axing unfilled positions—some vacant for over a decade. The pushback was fierce: “Oh, it won’t really save anything.” Tell that to Americans watching Congress pile on $2 trillion in debt yearly. Alaskans would be disgusted, but Juneau’s insulated. The will to change isn’t there—yet.
The feds are another layer. Some leaders whine, “Don’t cut our federal dollars—it’ll hurt!” Hurt who? My grandkids are born owing $200,000 each to Uncle Sam’s debt machine. That’s bondage, plain and simple. Alaska’s resource-rich—we can stand on our own. But instead, we’re begging, scared to lose a dime from D.C. Vance hit the nail on the head: “If we consider ourselves independent Alaskans—hardworking, entrepreneurial—then we need to think that way in government.”
What can you do? Pay attention. The bills moving now—railroads, pensions, taxes—show a Legislature comfy with the status quo. Compare that to what’s stalled: Vance’s safety bills and anything shrinking government or boosting liberty. Then speak up. Call your reps. Email Rep. Sarah Vance at [email protected]. Hit her up on X or Facebook at @RepSarahVance. Tell them you want a government that prioritizes you, not itself.
Alaska’s capital is a trek—time and money most folks don’t have. That’s why I do this show, why I peel the onion on “Stinky Juneau.” If you liked this dose of reality, swing by mustreadalaska.com and click “donate” to keep us rolling. The Legislature’s priorities are crystal clear in the bills they move. Question is, are they yours? If not, make some noise. Your kids—and their kids—deserve better than chains of debt and a government that forgets who it serves.
Stay frosty, Alaska.
Ben Carpenter is a former Alaska State Representative, combat veteran, small business owner, and the host and editor of the Must Read Alaska Show podcast.
On Thursday, the Fairbanks North Star Borough Assembly chose not to renew the contract with Dominion Voting Systems, the maker of voting and vote tabulation machines widely used in several locations in the United States — and also a company that is widely criticized. The contract extension was to be for five years, but many in the community want the borough to use a more secure method.
The Assembly will have to adopt its final budget by May 8 and may still renew the contract between now and then. Assemblyman Scott Crass said that if the Assembly does not renew the contract with Dominion, the Assembly members who vote against it may be subject to recall “because it’s in our code.” It sounded like a threat against those who might vote to not renew the contract.
Assemblywoman Barbara Haney said “These things could be the greatest thing since sliced bread. That’s not the point. The point is that people don’t want their tax money used like this, period.” She said no member of the public had testified in support of renewing the Dominion contract.
By ordinance the borough must use electronic scan equipment and the Assembly would need to change ordinance to rid itself of the technology for good.
The contract renewal failed on a 4-4 vote, needing 5 votes to pass. The cost of the contract is about $220,000 for five years. That’s enough to replaster the community’s swimming pool, or might be enough to keep a school open.
Dominion has gotten aggressive in defending its reputation and has threatened to sue anyone who the company says spreads lies about its machines.
A federal review of Dominion voting machines identifies software flaws in some models of ballot-marking devices made by Dominion, vulnerabilities that were discovered in Georgia. In theory, the machines could be tampered with, but there was no evidence that that occurred, federal inspectors said.
Dominion has fought back. On its website, it states:
“Dominion is focused on supporting our customers who administer U.S. elections. We are closely monitoring claims around the 2024 election. We strongly encourage people to rely upon verified, credible sources of election information – sources that can explain the many layers of physical, operational, and technical safeguards that exist to protect the integrity of our elections, including use of paper ballots for auditing and recounts. We remain fully prepared to defend our company and our customers against lies and to seek accountability from those who spread them.” Read Dominion’s fact sheet here.
The threat of litigation has put a damper on the public discourse around the integrity of vote tabulation machines and election integrity.
In the Mat-Su Borough, local voting includes hand-counted ballots, after the Mat-Su Borough Assembly chose to ditch the machine method in 2022. The borough still uses the machines as back up.
Many in the Fairbanks North Star Borough would like to follow that model and return to a counting method not relying on algorithms and the internet.
Hudson’s Bay Company, Canada’s oldest retailer, has filed for creditor protection, a move similar to Chapter 11 bankruptcy protection in the United States, as it struggles with economic headwinds.
The company, which dates back to 1670 and fur-trading across the Arctic, has historical presence in Arctic Alaska, and largely built Fort Yukon as a major fur-trading post.
Hudson Bay cited factors such as softer consumer spending, US-Canada trade tensions, and a decline in downtown store traffic all putting pressure on the business.
“While very difficult, this is a necessary step to strengthen our foundation and ensure that we remain a significant part of Canada’s retail landscape, despite the sector-wide challenges that have forced other retailers to exit the market,” Liz Rodbell, president and CEO of Hudson’s Bay, said in a news release.
The filing, made in the Ontario Superior Court of Justice on Friday, allows the company time to restructure its operations while exploring ways it might maintain financial stability. While the process could lead to the sale or closure of some stores, HBC has expressed a commitment to preserving jobs and its retail presence where possible.
Beyond its modern-day challenges, Hudson’s Bay Co. has a deep-rooted history in North America, particularly in Alaska. The company played a crucial role in the fur trade, which was a driving force behind the early European exploration and settlement of the continent. In the 19th century, HBC expanded its reach into Russian America (present-day Alaska), establishing trading posts and fostering commerce in the region.
One of HBC’s most known endeavors in Alaska was the establishment of Fort Yukon in 1847.
Located near the confluence of the Yukon and Porcupine Rivers, Fort Yukon served as a major fur trading post, allowing the company to tap into lucrative trade with Indigenous trappers and traders.
This outpost became a focal point of commerce in the Interior and remained an integral part of HBC’s operations until the Alaska Purchase in 1867, when the territory was transferred from Russian to US control.
Despite eventually withdrawing from Alaska, Hudson’s Bay Co.’s influence on the Interior’s economic development remains significant. The company’s fur trading helped shape Alaska’s early economy.
